본문 바로가기
KERD
논문KCI 등재

미얀마 2019: 로힝자 위기 이후 국제관계의 변화와 총선을 향한 정치과정

Changes in International Relations after the Rohingya Crisis and Political Processes Toward General Election

0

조회

0

다운로드

3

인용

0

참고문헌

키워드

주제분류지역학

초록

2017년의 로힝자 사태 이후 미얀마의 경제상황은 날로 악화되어가는 추세다. 민주주의의 후퇴와 인권 문제에 대한 국제사회의 염려와 비판이 거세어짐에 따라 외국인직접투자가 감소하고 경제성장률도 하향세를 기록하고 있다. 특히 유럽연합과 미국 등 서구권 국가의 투자가 감소하고 경제제재가 재개될 움직임까지 나타나는 상황에 이르러 미얀마 정부는 대안 마련에 고심하고 있다. 동남아 국가들을 비롯하여 중국과 한국, 일본 등 아시아권 국가와의 관계에 천착하는 미얀마 정부의 행보는 로힝자 사태가 초래한 국제관계의 지형 변화를 반영한다. 한편 2019년은 2016년 출범한 NLD 정부의 개혁과제가 어느 정도 완수되었는지를 최종 점검하는 해로서 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 출범 당시 내걸었던 3대 개혁과제(경제발전, 헌법 개정, 평화협상) 중 경제발전이 로힝자 사태로 인해 후퇴하는 상황이고 보니 헌법 개정과 평화 협상 과제를 성공적으로 완수해야 한다는 압박은 더욱 클 수밖에 없다. 하지만 이 역시도 녹록치 않은 실정이다. 군부의 권한을 축소시키고 군을 병영으로 복귀시키기 위한 NLD와 소수정당의 헌법 개정안이 군부 측의 반대에 부딪쳐 팽팽히 맞서고 있으며, 평화 협상 역시 소수민족무장단체와 정부군 간의 교전이 빈발하는 등 돌파구를 찾지 못하는 상황이다. 3대 개혁과제의 이행이 순조롭지 못한 가운데 2020년 연말에 치러지게 될 총선에 대한 전망도 불투명하다. 현 정부에 대한 신뢰도가 크게 하락한 가운데 난립해 있던 소수민족정당들이 연합전선을 형성하는 추세이며, 무슬림 반대운동단체의 종교 기반 정치세력화도 재개되는 상황이다. 이에 따라 2020년 총선은 종족성과 종교를 기반으로 하는 정체성의 정치로 전개될 가능성이 농후해졌다.

Abstract

Since the outbreak of Rohingya crisis in 2017, the economic situation in Myanmar has been getting worse. FDI has declined and the rate of economic growth has been falling as the international criticisms on democratic retreat and human rights issues have increased. In particular, the Myanmar government is struggling to come up with alternatives as Western countries such as the EU and the U.S. are showing signs of reducing investment and resuming economic sanctions. The Myanmar government’s efforts to strengthen relations with Asian countries such as China, South Korea and Japan, including Southeast Asian countries, reflect the topographical changes in international relations caused by the Rohingya crisis. 2019 is an important year for the final evaluation to the outcomes of the reform tasks of the NLD government, launched in 2016. Economic development, one of the three major tasks for reforms(economic development, constitutional amendment, and peace negotiations), has become difficult to guarantee due to the Rohingya crisis. As a result, the pressure to successfully carry out the tasks of constitutional amendment and peace negotiation is growing. However, these two tasks also seem to be difficult to accomplish. The revision of the constitution by the NLD and ethnic parties to reduce the military power and bring the military back to the barracks is facing strong opposition from the military, and peace negotiations have also failed to find a breakthrough due to frequent skirmishes between ethnic armed organizations(EAOs) and the Myanmar Military. With the implementation of major reform tasks facing difficulties, the prospects for the general elections to be held at the end of 2020 are also getting complicated. Amid a sharp drop in confidence in the current government, some ethnic parties are forming a united front, and anti-Muslim Buddhist groups are resuming their religious-based political activities. As a result, the general election in 2020 is likely to develop into a ‘politics of identity’ based on ethnicity and religion.

참고문헌 (59)

  1. 박은홍, "미얀마 2018: ‘로힝자 위기’와 민주주의 공고화의 갈림길", 동남아시아연구, 29(2), pp.89~126 (2019), 한국동남아학회[DOI]
  2. 박장식, "미얀마 아웅산수찌 정부의 반환점: 불공평 게임 속의 점증하는 위기", 아시아연구, 22(1), pp.49~74 (2019), 한국아시아학회[DOI]
  3. "중국과 일본의 미얀마 진출 전략과 시사점" (2019)[URL]
  4. 미얀마 개황, "외교부", 대한민국 외교부, ~
  5. "미얀마의 종족갈등은 새로운 국면으로 가는가" (2019)[URL]
  6. 장준영, "로힝자족 문제와 국제관계의 동학: 이해당사국의 대응과 국가이익", 아시아연구, 22(3), pp.205~238 (2019), 한국아시아학회[DOI]
  7. "로힝야 학살 침묵한 아웅산 수치, ‘투자’ 운운한 한국" (2019)[URL]
  8. "2019 국별 진출전략: 미얀마" (2019)[URL]
  9. "미얀마의 거버넌스 문제와 로힝야족 사태" (2019)[URL]
  10. Asian Development Bank, "Asian Development Outlook 2019: Strengthening Disaster Resilience", pp.285~287 (2019), Asian Development Bank
  11. Asian Development Bank, "Foreign Investment, Policy Reforms to Boost Myanmar’s Growth in 2019 to 2020", Asian Development Bank, ~ (2019)
  12. "The Changing Dynamics of Myanmar Politics" (2019)[URL]
  13. Aung Aung, "Myanmar’s Current Politics: Implications for the 2020 General Elections", ISEAS Perspective, 61, pp.1~10 (2018)
  14. Bernhardt, Thomas, "New Kids on the ASEAN Block: Myanmar SMEs and Regional Economic Integration", Journal of Southeast Asian Economies, 34(1), pp.4~38 (2017)
  15. "Myanmar’s 2020 Elections and Conflict Dynamics" (2019)[URL]
  16. "Belgian Company on ‘Dirty List’ Cuts Ties with Myanmar Military" (2019)[URL]
  17. Chambers, Justine, "Myanmar Transformed? People, Places and Politics", pp.3~20 (2018), ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute
  18. "Illiberalism and Democratic Illusions in Myanmar" (2019)[URL]
  19. "Australian Craft Beer Brewer Faces Criticism over Partnership with Myanmar Military" (2019)[URL]
  20. Fink, Christina, "Myanmar in 2018: The Rohingya Crisis Continues", Asian Survey, 59(1), pp.177~184 (2019)
  21. "Sanctions Squeeze Myanmar’s Economy: A Slowdown Tied to the Country’s Treatment of Its Rohingya Minority May Open the Door for China" (2019)[URL]
  22. "What Lurks beyond the Belt and Road in Myanmar?" (2020)[URL]
  23. "The Top UN Court Ordered Myanmar to Protect the Rohingya. An Expert Explains What It Means" (2020)[URL]
  24. Li, Chenyang, "China-Myanmar Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership: A Regional Threats?", Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 31(1), pp.53~72 (2012)
  25. "UN Reveals Network of Businesses Funding the Myanmar Military" (2019)[URL]
  26. Maung Aung Myoe, "In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy since 1948" (2011), Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
  27. "Myanmar’s Foreign Debt-The Big Picture" (2018)[URL]
  28. "US, Japan Vow to Back ‘Responsible Investment’ in Myanmar" (2019)[URL]
  29. "Taking a Quantum Leap to Revamp Myanmar’s Economy" (2019)[URL]
  30. "Potential Environmental and Social Impacts of Chinese Mega-Projects in Myanmar Raise Concerns" (2019)[URL]
  31. "Myanmar, China Sign Dozens of Deals on BRI Projects, Cooperation during Xi’s Visit" (2020)[URL]
  32. "Singapore is Currently the Biggest Foreign Investor in Myanmar" (2019)[URL]
  33. "Myanmar’s Military’s Vast Business Revenue Enables Abuses, U.N. Says"[URL]
  34. "Kyaukpyu: Connecting China to the Indian Ocean" (2018)[URL]
  35. Raynaud, Mael, "Civil Society and the 2020 Election", Frontier Myanmar, ~ (2019)
  36. "UN Calls for Boycott of Myanmar Companies with Military Links" (2019)[URL]
  37. Ruzza, Stefano, "Authoritarian Resilience through Top-down Transformation: Making Sense of Myanmar’s Incomplete Transition", Italian Political Science Review, 49, pp.193~209 (2019)
  38. "The Gloom about Myanmar’s Economy" (2019)[URL]
  39. "Why Does the Myanmar Military Rebuff the Work of the Constitutional Amendment Committee?" (2019)[URL]
  40. "The Economic Interests of the Myanmar Military: Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar" (2019)[URL]
  41. "Detailed findings of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar" (2019)[URL]
  42. "‘자원부국’ 미얀마 진출 전략-부산 기업인 대상 설명회" (2019)[URL]
  43. "文 “신남방정책-지속가능 발전계획, 조화 통해 성과내자”" (2019)[URL]
  44. "주미얀마 대사 “미얀마, 한국에 높은 호감…지금이 투자적기”" (2019), 한국일보[URL]
  45. "아세안 국가, 미얀마 투자국 46% 차지" (2020)[URL]
  46. "Myanmar Looks East" (2018)[URL]
  47. "Myanmar’s New Investment Push" (2019)[URL]
  48. "Myanmar Touts Troubled Rakhine as Investment Destination" (2019)[URL]
  49. "Myanmar Looks West" (2019)[URL]
  50. "China-Myanmar Share Pauk-Phaw Friendship" (2019)[URL]
  51. "EU Says Trade Privileges Depend on Annan Report" (2019)[URL]
  52. "Myanmar’s Growth Slowed by Rohingya Crisis" (2019)[URL]
  53. "Japan Continues to Help Myanmar Whitewash the Rohingya Crisis" (2019)[URL]
  54. "Xi’s Myanmar Visit to Consolidate “Paukphaw” Friendship" (2020)[URL]
  55. "China-Myanmar Pipeline Carries 10.8mln Tonnes Crude Oil in 2019" (2020)[URL]
  56. "대한민국 ODA 통합 홈페이지 ODA 통계"[URL]
  57. "싱가포르 통상산업부 홈페이지"[URL]
  58. "외교부 자료실 미얀마 개황"[URL]
  59. "Burma Campaign UK"[URL]

관련 논문AI추천

이 간행물의 다른 논문 (11건)