민주화 이후 그리스의 균열 구조 변화와 포퓰리즘 균열
The Populism Cleavage and the Change of Cleavage Structure after Democratization in Greece
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After democratization, the weak class cleavage has been distorted by clientelist cartel politics in the cleavage structure of Greece. The cartel system, which had failed to deal with neoliberal globalization and the financial crisis in the late 2000s, pursued bailout and austerity policies and was challenged by mass resistance and populist politics. The Greek cleavage structure was then overdetermined by weak class cleavage and strong populism cleavage. As a result, Syriza, a left-wing populist party that formed a identification with the mass movement and represented it in real politics, became the first party and took control of the regime. Populism seeks a ‘monosubjective politics of antagonism’ that focuses on the homogeneous subject and exclusivity. Unlike traditional right-wing populism, Siriza’s left-wing populism sees right-wing populist as a subject of solidarity and makes use of an ‘allelosubjective politics of recognition and inclusion’ in which various leftist and social minority are included as equal subjects.
Abstract
After democratization, the weak class cleavage has been distorted by clientelist cartel politics in the cleavage structure of Greece. The cartel system, which had failed to deal with neoliberal globalization and the financial crisis in the late 2000s, pursued bailout and austerity policies and was challenged by mass resistance and populist politics. The Greek cleavage structure was then overdetermined by weak class cleavage and strong populism cleavage. As a result, Syriza, a left-wing populist party that formed a identification with the mass movement and represented it in real politics, became the first party and took control of the regime. Populism seeks a ‘monosubjective politics of antagonism’ that focuses on the homogeneous subject and exclusivity. Unlike traditional right-wing populism, Siriza’s left-wing populism sees right-wing populist as a subject of solidarity and makes use of an ‘allelosubjective politics of recognition and inclusion’ in which various leftist and social minority are included as equal subjects.
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