누가 북한 관련 가짜뉴스에 취약하고, 그들은 어떤 대북정책 선호를 가지는가?
Who is Vulnerable to Fake News on North Korea and What are Their Preference for Policies on North Korea?
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초록
이 연구에서는 대표성 있는 표본 조사 자료를 활용하여, 보수 정치이념 성향과 이의 심리적 바탕이 되는 보수 이데올로기 성향(우익권위주의, 사회지배지향, 체제정당화 동기)이 북한 관련 가짜뉴스 식별 수준에 미치는 영향을 통계적으로 추정하고, 식별 능력이 북한 이미지 평가와 대북정책 선호에 어떠한 차이로 이어지는지 파악하고자 했다. 연구 결과 다음과 같은 사실을 확인했다. 첫째, 예상과 달리 상징적 정치 정체성으로서 보수 정치이념 성향은 북한 관련 가짜뉴스 식별도에 영향을 주지 않는 것으로 드러났다. 둘째, 보수 이데올로기 성향 변인 중에서는 경제 보수 성향인 사회지배지향만이 북한 관련 가짜뉴스 식별도를 일관되게 낮추는 것으로 드러났다. 셋째, 북한 관련 가짜뉴스를 옳게 식별할수록 북한을 협력 대상으로 평가할 가능성이 컸다. 그러나 식별도는 북한을 지원 대상으로 보는 또 다른 긍정적인 평가나 경계와 적대 대상으로 부정적 평가로는 이어지지 않았다. 넷째, 북한 관련 가짜뉴스 식별도가 높을수록 북한과 무력 충돌 불사에 대한 선호는 낮아지는 반면에, 정부 교체와 무관하게 남북한 합의 사항 계승에 대한 선호는 높아지고, 한미동맹 강화 대비 남북관계 개선 선호도 높아지는 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 식별도와 유화적 대북정책 선호의 긍정적 관계가 여타 대북정책 선호에서 일관되게 나타나지는 않았다.
Abstract
The present study attempts to identify political psychological factors that lead individuals vulnerable to fake news on North Korea and explore what fake news discernment implies for policy preferences for North Korea, using a nationally representative survey data. The study found that unexpectedly, self-identified conservatism did not reduce fake news discernment. Among ideological orientations, only social dominance orientation seemed to hamper the ability to discern the fake news accurately while neither right wing authoritarianism nor system justification did. It observed that the fake news discernment led to perceiving North Korea as a cooperation partner but not as suspicious or hostile. It also seemed to increase favorable attitudes toward engagement policy with North Korea in some domains but not in others.
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