Co-varying Pronominal Anaphors: Focusing on Bound Variable Pronouns
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참고문헌
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초록
The purpose of this paper is three fold. The first aim lies in finely chopping co-varying pronominal anaphoric expressions depending on the structural dependency relation and the property of their antecedents; a bound variable anaphor (BVA) if there is a quantificational antecedent, and a co-varying pronominal anaphor, where the antecedent c-commands the pronominal anaphor. If the c-command condition does not hold between a quantificational antecedent and a co-varying anaphor, they are E-type pronouns, and lazy pronouns occur if no c-command relation holds between a co-varying pronominal anaphor and its antecedent which is not a quantificational expression. The second claim is that the mismatch between form and meaning in a bound variable pronoun should be accounted for by appealing to both syntax and semantics, arguing against Rullmann's purely semantic account of number agreement in a bound variable pronoun. I finally propose a generalization that no strict reading is available if an antecedent utterance contains a BVA in ellipsis constructions due to an ill-formed LF representation with a free variable.
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is three fold. The first aim lies in finely chopping co-varying pronominal anaphoric expressions depending on the structural dependency relation and the property of their antecedents; a bound variable anaphor (BVA) if there is a quantificational antecedent, and a co-varying pronominal anaphor, where the antecedent c-commands the pronominal anaphor. If the c-command condition does not hold between a quantificational antecedent and a co-varying anaphor, they are E-type pronouns, and lazy pronouns occur if no c-command relation holds between a co-varying pronominal anaphor and its antecedent which is not a quantificational expression. The second claim is that the mismatch between form and meaning in a bound variable pronoun should be accounted for by appealing to both syntax and semantics, arguing against Rullmann's purely semantic account of number agreement in a bound variable pronoun. I finally propose a generalization that no strict reading is available if an antecedent utterance contains a BVA in ellipsis constructions due to an ill-formed LF representation with a free variable.
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