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타이 남부문제와 시민사회의 대응: 인권의 관점

Thai Civil Society Response to the Troubles in Southern Thailand: A Human Rights Perspective

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Traditionally, sitthi(right)was regarded as the privilege of the king to rule over his subjects, deriving from his justification to protect order for the common good, and 'authority' and 'success' sometimes. In the early twentieth century, this traditional recognition of rights restricted to the upper class was challenged by the emerging working and bourgeois classes. The 1932 constitutional revolution, which ended the absolute monarchy, made them claim their rights as citizens clearer. Since the 1980s, the definition of sitthi was expanded to include 'power to perform legally accepted things freely'. This study will show what the origin and structure of southern Thailand's current unrest is like and how Thai civil society response such as multiethnic approach to Thai society came to be formed as an outcome of political liberalism spread. This implies that Thai civil society organizations have grown to accomodate marginal voices of Malay muslims in southern Thailand. They recognize that Thai society is not monolithic and minorities do have voices. Furthermore they try to go beyond the three pillars of the Thai nationhood: Nation, Religion and King. In sum Thai civil society gained a momentum from southern Thailand's affair for widening the epistemic horizon to human rights towards multiethnic democracy and right to self-determination beyond narrow approach to the nation and so-called 'internal colonialism' while communicating with leaders of Thai Muslim south and even Malaysian society. However we cannot anticipate optmistically that troubles in the deep south will be addressed easily because of fragmented Thai civil society and lacking of real intention of military government for solving after 2006 Thai coup.

Abstract

Traditionally, sitthi(right)was regarded as the privilege of the king to rule over his subjects, deriving from his justification to protect order for the common good, and 'authority' and 'success' sometimes. In the early twentieth century, this traditional recognition of rights restricted to the upper class was challenged by the emerging working and bourgeois classes. The 1932 constitutional revolution, which ended the absolute monarchy, made them claim their rights as citizens clearer. Since the 1980s, the definition of sitthi was expanded to include 'power to perform legally accepted things freely'. This study will show what the origin and structure of southern Thailand's current unrest is like and how Thai civil society response such as multiethnic approach to Thai society came to be formed as an outcome of political liberalism spread. This implies that Thai civil society organizations have grown to accomodate marginal voices of Malay muslims in southern Thailand. They recognize that Thai society is not monolithic and minorities do have voices. Furthermore they try to go beyond the three pillars of the Thai nationhood: Nation, Religion and King. In sum Thai civil society gained a momentum from southern Thailand's affair for widening the epistemic horizon to human rights towards multiethnic democracy and right to self-determination beyond narrow approach to the nation and so-called 'internal colonialism' while communicating with leaders of Thai Muslim south and even Malaysian society. However we cannot anticipate optmistically that troubles in the deep south will be addressed easily because of fragmented Thai civil society and lacking of real intention of military government for solving after 2006 Thai coup.

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