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日·韓両言語のアクセント体系

A Contrastive Study of Japanese and Korean Phoneme-Tokyo and Gwangju Dialects-

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This paper compares the pitch accent of the Tokyo dialect (the standard language) of Japanese and that of Gwangju dialect in Korean. Until now, the Gwangju dialect had been considered as having no accent as same as the Seoul dialect - representative of the Korean language - but there are in fact ordered pitch patterns. In the present paper, evidence for this interpretation will be given, along with the structure of the Gwangju dialect accent and a comparison with it and that of Tokyo. First, looking Tokyo dialect, it has two oppositions for one mora words, three oppositions for two-mora words, and so on. It can be represented as Pn=n+1, where ‘Pn’ represent the number of Prosodemes for the accentual unit ‘n’. In the Tokyo accent type, there are n - kernel positions, plus a kernel less type (indicatedwith an = sign;the ⓪ sign indicates zero-accent), for a total of n+1. Pitch is regarded as ‘movement’, and this is what is indicated; this is quite different from the ‘stepped’ view of accents in which the ‘static condition’ resulting from movement is indicated. In addition, the rise after the initial mora of a phrase, shown by {○[○-} (‘[’ indicates pitch-rise), occurs only before a kernel; single mora words and words with the kernel at the beginning appear as {[○-}. Secondly, the accent system of Gwangju dialect can be classified into the following three groups: (a) the initial high and a row of lows for the rest, (b) the first two syllables high with the rest low, and (c) the initial low with the high second syllable. However, it is closely related to the initial segments, namely to whether it has an initial syllable with a long vowel, or with a tense, aspirated, s, or h consonant. Strong tendencies can be seen in which the words with a initial long vowel syllable belong to (a), and words with a tense, aspirated, s, or h consonant initial belong to class (b), with the rest of the words belonging to class (c). Lastly, in this paper, the reason why Gwangju dialect has a three pattern system to distinguish the three accentual distinctions for every syllable, despite the fact that the accent system has strong tendencies connected to initial segments, will be explained in detail.

Abstract

This paper compares the pitch accent of the Tokyo dialect (the standard language) of Japanese and that of Gwangju dialect in Korean. Until now, the Gwangju dialect had been considered as having no accent as same as the Seoul dialect - representative of the Korean language - but there are in fact ordered pitch patterns. In the present paper, evidence for this interpretation will be given, along with the structure of the Gwangju dialect accent and a comparison with it and that of Tokyo. First, looking Tokyo dialect, it has two oppositions for one mora words, three oppositions for two-mora words, and so on. It can be represented as Pn=n+1, where ‘Pn’ represent the number of Prosodemes for the accentual unit ‘n’. In the Tokyo accent type, there are n - kernel positions, plus a kernel less type (indicatedwith an = sign;the ⓪ sign indicates zero-accent), for a total of n+1. Pitch is regarded as ‘movement’, and this is what is indicated; this is quite different from the ‘stepped’ view of accents in which the ‘static condition’ resulting from movement is indicated. In addition, the rise after the initial mora of a phrase, shown by {○[○-} (‘[’ indicates pitch-rise), occurs only before a kernel; single mora words and words with the kernel at the beginning appear as {[○-}. Secondly, the accent system of Gwangju dialect can be classified into the following three groups: (a) the initial high and a row of lows for the rest, (b) the first two syllables high with the rest low, and (c) the initial low with the high second syllable. However, it is closely related to the initial segments, namely to whether it has an initial syllable with a long vowel, or with a tense, aspirated, s, or h consonant. Strong tendencies can be seen in which the words with a initial long vowel syllable belong to (a), and words with a tense, aspirated, s, or h consonant initial belong to class (b), with the rest of the words belonging to class (c). Lastly, in this paper, the reason why Gwangju dialect has a three pattern system to distinguish the three accentual distinctions for every syllable, despite the fact that the accent system has strong tendencies connected to initial segments, will be explained in detail.

참고문헌 (14)

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  13. 服部四郎, "アクセントと方言』(國語科學講座Ⅶ、國語方言學)" (1933), 明治書院
  14. Sun-Ah, Jun, "The Accentual Pattern and Phonology of the Chonnam Dialect of Korea, Harvard Studies in Korean Linguistics Ⅲ", pp.89~100 (1996), Harvard Univ. Cambridge, Mass

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