慶州方言と東京方言の外来語のアクセント

Abstract

This paper compares the loanwords accent of the Tokyo dialect of Japanese and that of the Gyeongju dialect in Korean. In the present paper, evidence for this interpretation will be given, along with the structure of the Gyeongju dialect loanwords accent and a comparison with it and that of Tokyo. Looking the Tokyo dialect firstly, it has two oppositions for one-mora words, three oppositions for two-mora words, and so on. It can be represented as Pn=n+1, where ‘Pn’ represent the number of Prosodemes for the accentual unit ‘n’. In the Tokyo accent type, there are n-kernel positions, plus a kernel less type (indicated with an = sign; the ⓪ sign indicates zero-accent), for a total of n+1. The main accent of loanwords of Tokyo dialect are -③ pattern. The present paper examines on the basis of the data collected by the author. The conclusion by Kenstowicz & Sohn (2001) (hereafter K & S(2001)) that the accent of loanwords in the Gyeongju dialect is determined by their syllabic structure. As a result, it is shown that the highest average of the application of the K & S(2001)'s principle is about 70% as regards three or four syllable words. This average is only achieved when the followingtwo conditions regarding the original word of borrowing are taken into account. Those conditions are: 1) if the final consonant cluster of the original word are resolved by two inserted vowels、those vowels are without accent; 2) the heavy syllables caused by liquid gemination are not counted as heavy. Furthermore、as regardstwo or five syllable words、the principle holds only for about 60% of cases. There is no correlation between the syllabic structure and accent as regards monosyllabic words、since the accent remains the same even if the syllabic structure is altered by the addition of a particle. From the above discussion the following points in K &S (2001) are criticized: The pattern "...HLL (antepenultimate)"、which、according to K & S (2001)、is limited to the case when the final consonant cluster of the original is resolved by two inserted vowels、occurs elsewhere too. Their explanation is thus insufficient. They limit their discussion of the accent patterns of the dialectconcerned to three types only、namely、"HH... (doubled)"、"...LH (final)" and "...HL (penultimate)"、while other types are simply ignored. Thus the present paper critically examines the applicability of the two conditions on the segmental structure of the original word、the prerequisites of the discussion of K & S (2001)、as well as thelevel of knowledge of the original words in the acquisition of loanwords by the dialect speakers. Lastly, in this paper, including loanwords accent pattern of the Tokyo and Gyeongju dialects, will be explained in detail on the tonal patterns and the internal mechanisms.