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韓国語釜山方言と日本語東京方言の外来語のアクセント

A loanwords accent in Pusan Korean and Tokyo Japanese

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참고문헌

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초록

本稿では、韓国語と日本語のように高低アクセントとされる言語の類型的研究及び対照言語学的考察として、日本語の東京方言と韓国語の釜山方言のアクセント体系を提示した上で、両言語の外来語のアクセント型の特徴を中心に考察を進める。従来、日本語の東京方言の外来語のアクセントについては、多数の研究が行われ、いわゆる「─(マイナス)3規則(アクセント核が右から3番目に置かれる)」で説明されてきた。一方、慶尚道方言の研究は少ないものの、いずれも音節構造との関連から論じられており、音節構造が大きくアクセントに関与しているという結論を出している。しかし、筆者の研究からみると、それだけでは決まらない例が多数存在することがわかった。本稿は慶尚北道の大邱方言·慶州方言に引き続き、慶尚南道の釜山方言を対照に先行研究の結論を検証したもので、その結果、釜山方言も慶尚北道の大邱方言·慶州方言と同様、音節構造だけではアクセント型を予測しきれないところが多いことがわかった。

Abstract

This paper compares the loanwords accent of the Tokyo dialect of Japanese and that of Pusan dialect inKorean. In the present paper, evidence for this interpretation will be given, along with the structure of thePusan dialect loanwords accent and a comparison with it and that of Tokyo. Tokyo dialect has two oppositions for one‐mora words, three oppositions for two‐mora words, and so on. Itcan be represented as Pn=n+1, where ‘Pn’ represent the number of prosodemes for the accentual unit ‘n’. In theTokyo accent type, there are n‐kernel positions, plus a kernel less type (indicated with an = sign; the ⓪ signindicates unaccented), for a total of n+1. The default accent of loanwords of Tokyo dialect are -③ pattern(antepenultimate). The present paper examines on the basis of the data collected by the author. The conclusion by Kenstowicz &Sohn (2001) (hereafter K & S(2001)) and Do (2014) that the accent of loanwords in the Pusan dialect isdetermined by their syllabic structure. Those conditions are: 1) if the final consonant cluster of the originalword are resolved by two inserted vowels、 those vowels are without accent; 2) the heavy syllables caused byliquid gemination are not counted as heavy. Furthermore、 as regards two or five syllable words、 the principleholds only for about 60% of cases. There is no correlation between the syllabic structure and accent as regardsmonosyllabic words、 since the accent remains the same even if the syllabic structure is altered by the additionof a particle. From the above discussion the following points in Do (2014) are criticized: A heavy syllable (CVC)must be high; if the final two syllables are light, then a (default) high is assigned to the penultimate syllable. Inaddition, a Light-Light-Heavy takes a final H which spreads back to the peninitial syllable. These simpleprinciples account for over 90% of the data in all syllable profiles except for Heavy-Heavy. Thus the presentpaper critically examines the applicability of the two conditions on the segmental structure of the original word、the prerequisites of the discussion of Do (2014) 、as well as the level of knowledge of the original words inthe acquisition of loanwords by the dialect speakers.

참고문헌 (13)

  1. 上野善道, "岩波講座日本語5音韻", pp.281~321 (1977), 岩波書店
  2. 川上蓁, "日本語アクセント論集" (1995), 汲古書院
  3. Kenstowicz、Michael, "Ken Hale、Alifeinlanguage", pp.239~270 (2001), MIT Press
  4. 全鎬璟, "釜山方言の外来語アクセントを決めるもの:分節音の情報と音節構造", 日本言語学会第129回大会, pp.123~128 (2004), 日本言語学会
  5. 窪薗晴夫, "Loanword Accent in South Kyungsang Korean", Atami Phonology Festa(1st Joint Meeting of PAIK and TCP), (2006), 関西音韻論研究会·東京音韻論研究会
  6. 손재현, "借用語の音韻構造とアクセント", 일본어문학, (44), pp.175~190 (2009), 일본어문학회
  7. 孫在賢, "日本語アクセント辞典" (2014), 三省堂
  8. Do, Young Ah, "Accent classes in South Kyengsang Korean: Lexical drift, novel words and loanwords", Lingua, 148, pp.147~182 (2014)
  9. "日本語アクセント辞典", 三省堂, ~
  10. 本研究は, "聞き取りに基づく現地調査報告で次の話者の協力で行った。ご協力くださった話者の方々に心から御礼を申し上げる", ~
  11. "朴昌淳氏(1944年生,男性、釜山市東来区)", ~ (1944)
  12. "宋敬美氏(1960年生,女性、釜山市東来区)", ~ (1960)
  13. "廬美恵氏(1987年生,女性、釜山市東来区)", ~ (1987)

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