영국의 유럽공동체(EC)-유럽연합(EU) 회원국 지위에 관한 재협상과 국민투표: 1975년과 2016년 사례에 대한 비교연구
United Kingdom’s Membership in the European Communities and European Union: Comparative Analysis of Referendums in 1975 and 2016
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이 연구는 1975년과 2016년, 두 차례에 걸쳐 실시되었던 영국의EC/EU 회원국 지위에 관한 국민투표를 비교‧분석하였다. 1975년의 국민투표는 총선에서 승리한 노동당이 선거공약에 따라 영국의 가입조건을재협상한 후, 그 결과에 대해 실시한 경우이다. 2016년의 국민투표는 보수당의 선거공약에 따라 집권 후 보수당 정부가 추진한 EU 집행부와의새로운 협상의 결과를 바탕으로 실시한 것이며, 그 결과 EU 탈퇴가 결정되었다. 분석 결과 양 차례의 국민투표는 다음과 같은 공통점이 있다. 먼저, 집권당은 협상결과와 국민투표를 총선 공약으로 선언함으로써 협상 입지를강화했고, 요구 사항을 상당부분 관철시켰다. 반면에 캠페인 과정에서는모호하거나 중립적인 입장을 취했다. 또한 국민투표 결과가 EC/EU 탈퇴로 결정될 경우에 대한 대안을 마련하지 않았다. 차이점은 국민투표에 앞선 협상에 있어 1975년의 협상이 주로 가입조건에 집중되었던데 반해, 2016년의 협상은 유럽회의주의 성향의 부상에 따라 EU의 운영방향에 관한 내용이 관심사가 되었다. 한편 1970년대와 2010년대 영국의 경제적상황 또한 국민투표의 논의와 결과에 영향을 주었을 것이라 사료된다. 흥미로운 점은 양 차례의 국민투표에 있어 정당과 관계없이 정책주권의 보호를 요구하는 탈퇴지지 측의 논리가 유사하다는 점이다. 이와 같은일관성은 EU의 발전과정이 결국 국가 간 협력과 초국가적 통합 간의 갈등임을 다시 한 번 상기시킨다. 이러한 발견은 영국의 EU 탈퇴로 처음으로 회원국 수 감소를 경험한 EU 체제가 어떻게 통합 유지의 원동력을 확보할 수 있을 것인지에 대해 숙고해볼 수 있는 계기를 마련해 준다.
Abstract
This study examines the UK’s two referendums on the EC/EU membership that took place in 1975 and 2016. The 1975 referendum was driven by the Labour Government according to its manifesto in the general election in 1974. After coming to power, the Labour Government renegotiated UK’s membership with the EC and other member countries and put the outcomes on a referendum. The 2016 referendum took place in accordance with the Conservative Party’s election pledge to hold the referendum on EU membership. Following the result of the referendum in favor of leaving the EU, the UK became the first EU member that exit from the EU. Both referendums are similar in the following aspects; first, both governments (Labours in 1975 and Conservatives in 2016) pledged to hold a referendum on the EC/EU membership during the election campaigns in an attempt to take more advantageous position in negotiations. As soon as they came to power, the governments initiated a new negotiation with the EC/EU and put the results of the negotiations on a referendum. Second, both governments took an ambiguous or neutral position during the referendum campaigns. Besides, they did not provide an alternative to the case where the result of the referendum was decided to withdraw from the EC/EU. The difference in the two referendums are as follows; the negotiations in 1975 were mainly focused on the conditions of membership, whereas in the negotiations in 2016, the content of the EU's operation direction became a major concern due to the rise of Euroscepticism in the UK politics. Meanwhile, it is believed that the economic situation in the UK in the 1970s and 2010s also influenced the discussions and results of the referendum. Interestingly, in both referendums, the logic of the Brexit supporters is the protection of policy sovereignty regardless of political parties. This consistency reminds us once again that the development process of the EU is, in the end, a compromise between inter-governmental cooperation and supranational integration. These findings provide an opportunity to reflect on how the EU system, which experienced a decline in the number of Member States for the first time due to the UK's withdrawal, could secure the driving force for maintaining integration.
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