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노동의 대륙의 미래를 위한 경합: 동아시아 노동운동의 관할구역에 대한 마르크스주의적 비판

Contested Future of the Continent of Labour: a Marxist Critique of the Constituency of East Asian Labour Movements

장대업
사회과학연구원 (Research Institute of Social Science)|2024.11|마르크스주의 연구 (MARXISM 21)|제21권 제4호|pp. 44-88|DOI 10.26587/marx.21.4.202411.003

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참고문헌

키워드

수탈expropriation착취exploitation노동운동의 관할구역권위주의적 신자유주의노동의 세 가지 얼굴Constituency of labour movementsauthoritarian neoliberalismthree faces of labour
주제분류사회과학일반

초록

신자유주의의 장기 쇠퇴기 속에서 권위주의적 신자유주의의 포퓰리즘적 부상은 이 새로운권위주의를 지지하는 초계급동맹의 일부가 된 주변부 노동자들이 바로 노동운동이 조직했어야 할 그 사람들이라는 점에서 신자유주의 전성기 동안 노동운동이 실패한 결과로 볼 수 있다. 글로벌 신자유주의는 자본관계의 안과 밖, 그리고 그 경계에서 다양한 불안정 노동에 종사하는 새로운 노동자들을 탄생시켰다. 그러나 몇 가지 예외를 제외하고 동아시아의 기존 노동조합들은 이러한 소외된 노동자들의 행위자성(agency)을 포괄하는 데 실망스러운 실적을 보여왔으며, 이러한 새로운 주체들은 권위주의적 국가주의를 지지하는 새로운 우파 포퓰리즘의유혹에 취약한 상태에 놓여있다. 글로벌 신자유주의 전성기에 되풀이되었던 방어적 전략을넘어 새로운 노동자를 조직하려면 노동운동의 관할구역 경계를 근본적으로 재검토해야 한다. 이러한 재검토는 20세기 유럽중심적 마르크스주의와 사회운동적 노동조합주의 등에서 지배적이었던, 자본주의 노동에 대한 최소주의적(minimalist) 정의, 즉 명확하게 정의된 자본관계 내에서 생산활동을 통해 잉여가치를 생산하고 그 대가로 임금을 받는 노동자를 우선시하는것을 넘어서는 것에서 시작한다. 노동운동의 관할구역을 글로벌 자본주의를 구성하는 노동의포괄적 스펙트럼으로 사고하는 인식의 전환은 마르크스주의 노동과 노동운동이론의 과제이다. 최근 낸시 프레이저가 수탈된(expropriated) 노동, 착취된(exploited) 노동, 가정에서길들여진(domesticated) 노동이라고 정의한 자본주의 노동의 세 가지 얼굴과 이들의 해방을 위한 세 가지 노동운동의 연대는 『자본』에서 임금노동의 중심성을 강조했지만 동시에 수탈에서 착취에 이르는 연속성에서 노동자계급을 묘사한 마르크스가 자본주주의 역사를 온전히재구성할 기회가 있었다면 아마도 도달했을 결론이다. 이들 세 가지 운동의 상호 연결성을 인식하고 이를 협력과 통합을 위한 새로운 출발점으로 삼을 때 노동운동은 이들 다양한 노동의운동을 위한 보편적인 플랫폼으로 거듭날 수 있을 것이다.

Abstract

The populist rise of authoritarian neoliberalism in the midst of neoliberalism's protracted decline can be seen as a consequence of the labour movement's failure during the heyday of neoliberalism. It is because the peripheral workers who became part of the cross-class alliance supporting this new authoritarianism are the very people the labour movement should have organised. Global neoliberalism has created a new class of workers engaged in a range of precarious work within, outside of and at the margins of capital relations. However, with a few exceptions, the existing trade unions in East Asia have had a disappointing track record in encompassing the agency of these marginalised workers, leaving these new actors vulnerable to the lure of new right-wing populism. Organising new workers beyond the defensive strategies during the heyday of global neoliberalism requires a fundamental rethinking of the constituency of the labour movement. This begins by moving beyond the minimalist definition of capitalist labour that has dominated Eurocentric Marxism and social movement unionism in the 20th century, which prioritises workers who produce surplus value through productive activity within clearly defined capital relations and receive a wage in return. This epistemological shift is an urgent imperative for Marxist labour and labour movement theories as it can bring the whole spectrum of labour that constitutes global capitalism into the constituency of labour movements. The three faces of capitalist labour, recently defined by Nancy Fraser as expropriated, exploited and domesticated labour, and the solidarity of the three labour movements for their emancipation, is a conclusion that Marx, who depicted the working class in a continuum from expropriation to exploitation while emphasising the centrality of wage labour, would have reached if he had the opportunity to fully reconstruct the history of capitalism. By recognising the interconnectedness of these three movements and using them as a new starting point for cooperation and integration, the labour movement can become a universal platform for these different movements of labour.

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