1920년대 중반 일본 정계 변화와 조선총독부 자치정책의 한계

Abstract

This research pays attention to the changes and characteristics of Japanese political circles in the mid-1920s, and examines how the Kenseikai group, who were leading the changes, developed their positions toward the problems of colonial Korea and self-government system. In this process, this research will also analyze the characteristics and limitations of the governor-general Saitō’s self-government plans in 1927 as well as the government-general’s partial reorganization and self-government policy after the appearance of the Kenseikai Cabinet. Party politics was introduced to Japanese political circles with the dissolution of the privileged domain cliques in the mid-1920s. However, to say nothing of the conservative Chông’uhoe, even the Kenseikai group, which had claimed self-government system in Korea after the March First Movement, withdrew their claims due to the turning to the right of social atmosphere, the rejection of the privileged and the military circles, and the recognition of Korea’s importance to Japanese security and defense. The leaders of the Kenseikai group, the democrats like Yoshino Sakuzō, and the high ranking bureaucrats of the government-general related to the Kenseikai did not disagree to the assimilation policy itself, but to the ‘unscientific’ and ‘violent’ assimilation as symbolized in the military rule. Even some of rightist proletarian party felt burden of claiming self-government in Korea. The offices of the governor-general and the Japanese administrative superintendent did never consider establishing of local councils until the late 1926, not to mention a central assembly in Korea. Of course, some of Korean bureaucrats attempted to attain self-government system, but their influential power was limited. Self-government system was rather politically used to dissolve Korean nationalist movement and power by Abe, Mitsuya, and their people. The governor-general Saitō made his aide Nakamura Toranosuke prepare a plan about suffrage rights and local councils in Korea. However, the Korean local councils in the draft were closer to those of prefectures or Hokkaido in Japanese local administrative system. It was not an appropriate plan in a larger level of central politics. The competence of local councils in the plan was limited to forming and deliberating of the budget for construction, industry, education, health, and relief. The total budget was only 25 per cent of the government-general. The limited competence could be restricted by the governor-general of Korea. In addition, even though the election for the local councils was supposed to be conducted in Korea, the draft inequally guaranteed definite advantages for a small number of Japanese people residing in Korea. This policy was not a complete change of inland extension policy or a drastic switch to self-government policy, but only a complementary measure for the existing assimilation policy through the reorganization of local administrative system. Nonetheless, Saitō did not have power to carry out even the extremely limited plan. His influential power was such a limited one in Japanese political circles. The nationalist movement groups in Korea knew well about this situation. They withdrew their expectation on the Kenseikai already from the mid-1920s. Instead, they placed their hope on the growth of Japanese proletarian party and the consequent changes of Japanese political circles.