The Syntax of Afterthoughts in Korean: Move and Delete
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초록
This paper argues following the lead of Chung (2008) that the fragmentary appendix in sentence-final position after the preceding host clause in the afterthought construction is derived from applying Delete to the host clause where it has undergone prior Move out of. First, we argue that the distribution of a modificational expression alone as an appendix renders compelling or possibly conclusive evidence in favor of the movement and deletion approach to the construction in point. Second, we advance the idea that the subjacency-obeying movement effects of the appendix are attributed to its property of bearing emphatic focus and the behavior of its null correlate expression in the host clause. Third, we show that unexpected non-movement effects of the appendix especially in regard to scope interaction indeed follow from scope parallelism in ellipsis, which is one of the hallmarks of the ellipsis construction.
Abstract
This paper argues following the lead of Chung (2008) that the fragmentary appendix in sentence-final position after the preceding host clause in the afterthought construction is derived from applying Delete to the host clause where it has undergone prior Move out of. First, we argue that the distribution of a modificational expression alone as an appendix renders compelling or possibly conclusive evidence in favor of the movement and deletion approach to the construction in point. Second, we advance the idea that the subjacency-obeying movement effects of the appendix are attributed to its property of bearing emphatic focus and the behavior of its null correlate expression in the host clause. Third, we show that unexpected non-movement effects of the appendix especially in regard to scope interaction indeed follow from scope parallelism in ellipsis, which is one of the hallmarks of the ellipsis construction.
참고문헌 (31)
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