Parallel Linearization: A thought on afterthoughts
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This paper starts with noting that so-called ‘right dislocation’ in Korean is construed as giving an afterthought, comparable to one of the functions that right dislocation in English takes on (Grosz and Ziv 1996, C.-H. Lee 2009). It is argued below that the right-edge afterthought part of the construction in Korean is derived neither by base-generation (Sells 1999, Yoon 2009), nor by movement (Haraguchi 1973, H.-S. Choe 1987), nor by deletion (Abe 1999), but by the proposed operation of parallel linearization in terms of conjunction reduction (McCawley 1982). In particular, it is shown that the null elements in the afterthought part can be analyzed on a par with copy traces left by movement. To be concrete, the afterthought part of the construction is derived by parallel linearization of the two coordinate clauses: the host and the afterthought clauses. The idea is that as the two clauses undergo linearization in a parallel fashion, the repetitive elements in the second clause undergo phonological reduction. We argue that parallel linearization and reduction are needed anyway for constructions involving conjunction reduction independently of the construction concerned in this paper. We rely on Reinhart's (1976, 1983) Condition on Bound Variable Pronouns to account for NPI elements with respect to afterthoughts.
Abstract
This paper starts with noting that so-called ‘right dislocation’ in Korean is construed as giving an afterthought, comparable to one of the functions that right dislocation in English takes on (Grosz and Ziv 1996, C.-H. Lee 2009). It is argued below that the right-edge afterthought part of the construction in Korean is derived neither by base-generation (Sells 1999, Yoon 2009), nor by movement (Haraguchi 1973, H.-S. Choe 1987), nor by deletion (Abe 1999), but by the proposed operation of parallel linearization in terms of conjunction reduction (McCawley 1982). In particular, it is shown that the null elements in the afterthought part can be analyzed on a par with copy traces left by movement. To be concrete, the afterthought part of the construction is derived by parallel linearization of the two coordinate clauses: the host and the afterthought clauses. The idea is that as the two clauses undergo linearization in a parallel fashion, the repetitive elements in the second clause undergo phonological reduction. We argue that parallel linearization and reduction are needed anyway for constructions involving conjunction reduction independently of the construction concerned in this paper. We rely on Reinhart's (1976, 1983) Condition on Bound Variable Pronouns to account for NPI elements with respect to afterthoughts.
참고문헌 (26)
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