Fragmental Appendix in Korean Right Dislocation Construction
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Right dislocation constructions (RDCs) recently have drawn strong attention to two issues. One is how they are generated; that is, whether their source is (i) mono-clausal, (ii) bi-clausal, or (iii) hybrid of both. The other is what the RDC appendix is like; that is, if it is (i) an element left in the clause-final position mostly after a series of leftward movements or (ii) a fragmental element of the second conjunct clause. What I argue for in this paper correlates with the second issue. Investigating apparent counterexamples, which obscure the fragmentality of the appendix, I claim that the appendix is truly a fragment. The paper mostly consists of empirical data discussion based on NPI licensing, island effects, wh-phrase licensing, Case drop, and scope interpretation. My analysis, in consequence, indirectly supports for the line of bi-clausal approaches, in which an RCD is derived from two conjoined clauses with SOV word order.
Abstract
Right dislocation constructions (RDCs) recently have drawn strong attention to two issues. One is how they are generated; that is, whether their source is (i) mono-clausal, (ii) bi-clausal, or (iii) hybrid of both. The other is what the RDC appendix is like; that is, if it is (i) an element left in the clause-final position mostly after a series of leftward movements or (ii) a fragmental element of the second conjunct clause. What I argue for in this paper correlates with the second issue. Investigating apparent counterexamples, which obscure the fragmentality of the appendix, I claim that the appendix is truly a fragment. The paper mostly consists of empirical data discussion based on NPI licensing, island effects, wh-phrase licensing, Case drop, and scope interpretation. My analysis, in consequence, indirectly supports for the line of bi-clausal approaches, in which an RCD is derived from two conjoined clauses with SOV word order.
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