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An (impossible) excursion into matrix [Spec, vP] out of an elided complement clause in Korean

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주제분류언어학

초록

This paper investigates into impossible deletion of an embedded predicate complex in Korean. We have first shown as in Chung (2009) that when an embedded subject or object stays within an embedded clause, the case in point is attributed to non-constituenthood of the embedded predicate complex. However, grammar allows Move to feed Delete: in other words, movement of the embedded subject or object expression out of the embedded clause makes a way for the latter to undergo constituency-respecting deletion. Ahn and Cho (2009) argue following this idea that Korean (as well as English) does not allow CP deletion, blaming the case in point on it. Showing that Ahn and Cho's analysis is not sufficient enough in addressing all the possible cases in question, however, we have argued that movement of the embedded expression either through or into the matrix [Spec, vP] counts as an instance of A-movement in the constructions involving VP-like ellipsis, and that therefore it is ruled out as it involves extraction out of the embedded CP.

Abstract

This paper investigates into impossible deletion of an embedded predicate complex in Korean. We have first shown as in Chung (2009) that when an embedded subject or object stays within an embedded clause, the case in point is attributed to non-constituenthood of the embedded predicate complex. However, grammar allows Move to feed Delete: in other words, movement of the embedded subject or object expression out of the embedded clause makes a way for the latter to undergo constituency-respecting deletion. Ahn and Cho (2009) argue following this idea that Korean (as well as English) does not allow CP deletion, blaming the case in point on it. Showing that Ahn and Cho's analysis is not sufficient enough in addressing all the possible cases in question, however, we have argued that movement of the embedded expression either through or into the matrix [Spec, vP] counts as an instance of A-movement in the constructions involving VP-like ellipsis, and that therefore it is ruled out as it involves extraction out of the embedded CP.

참고문헌 (23)

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  20. 박명관, "Phase, Cyclicity and Extraction out of Ellipsis in English*", 생성문법연구, 14(4), pp.469~496 (2004), 한국생성문법학회
  21. Saito, Mamoru, "Some asymmetries in Japanese and their theoretical implications", 박사, pp.1985
  22. Saito, Mamoru, "Improper adjunction", MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 24, pp.263~293 (1994)
  23. Sohn, Keun-Won, "Negative polarity items, scope, and economy", 박사, pp.1996

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