러시아어의 부정 대명사
Negative Pronominals in Russian
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In Russian, the negative pronominals constitute a special class within the category of pronouns which is characterized by its “transversality” vis-à-vis the other parts of speech. This class can be regarded as consisting of two series of “strong” negative polarity items (=NPI) if I adopt van der Wouden(1997)'s terminology: “ни-” items and “не-” items (eg., нигде, негде, etc.). The “ни-” items, derived by the addition of an emphatic negative particle ни to interrogative pronouns, keep the "strong" NPI character of this particle, but such a derivation results in making their distribution narrower than that of the particle ни. They can appear only in the context of predicative negation, and in the other contexts also sensitive to downward entailment occur indefinite pronominals of “-либо” type. But какой-либо among them can also appear in some contexts of predicative negation. Thus I consider as wrong formulated the so called "Bagel Problem" which is proposed by Pereltsvaig(2006) with regard to the complementary distribution between “ни-” and “-либо” items. As for the negative pronominals of “не-” type which, obligatorily determined by infinitive, function as predicate, they add a modal nuance of unrealizable process to the meaning of infinitive. And they can, in principle, license the appearance of “strong” NPIs such as particle ни, pronominals of “ни-” type, etc.; on the pragmatic level, however, this possibility is relatively rarely realized because their emphatic negativeness is too heavy to be still increased by the co-occurrence of other NPIs.
Abstract
In Russian, the negative pronominals constitute a special class within the category of pronouns which is characterized by its “transversality” vis-à-vis the other parts of speech. This class can be regarded as consisting of two series of “strong” negative polarity items (=NPI) if I adopt van der Wouden(1997)'s terminology: “ни-” items and “не-” items (eg., нигде, негде, etc.). The “ни-” items, derived by the addition of an emphatic negative particle ни to interrogative pronouns, keep the "strong" NPI character of this particle, but such a derivation results in making their distribution narrower than that of the particle ни. They can appear only in the context of predicative negation, and in the other contexts also sensitive to downward entailment occur indefinite pronominals of “-либо” type. But какой-либо among them can also appear in some contexts of predicative negation. Thus I consider as wrong formulated the so called "Bagel Problem" which is proposed by Pereltsvaig(2006) with regard to the complementary distribution between “ни-” and “-либо” items. As for the negative pronominals of “не-” type which, obligatorily determined by infinitive, function as predicate, they add a modal nuance of unrealizable process to the meaning of infinitive. And they can, in principle, license the appearance of “strong” NPIs such as particle ни, pronominals of “ни-” type, etc.; on the pragmatic level, however, this possibility is relatively rarely realized because their emphatic negativeness is too heavy to be still increased by the co-occurrence of other NPIs.
참고문헌 (28)
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