수어 동사 인칭 일치의 형태론

Abstract

This paper challenges previous discussions on verb agreement in sign languages by arguing that location mutation serves as the morphological exponent of person agreement. Previous studies argue that agreement verbs in sign languages have empty slots in their root which are later filled with person markers. In contrast, we propose that these verbs inherently have fixed location values in their root. Verb inflection for subject and object agreement subsequently modifies these values to encode person markers. We identify two types of location mutation: body-part mutation as the exponent of subject agreement and neutral-space mutation as the exponent of object agreement. Based on data from Korean Sign Language (KSL), we demonstrate that the location-mutation approach offers a robust explanation for three key phenomena: (i) backward agreement verbs, (ii) lexical variation in body-part specification, and (iii) under specification in subject agreement. Furthermore, our analysis captures the modality-specific property of subject-object asymmetry wherein subject agreement is optional while object agreement is obligatory. We suggest that not only single agreement verbs but also double agreement verbs inherently contain a body-part specification in their root and that the iconic role of the body part underlies that asymmetry.