한국수어에 나타나는 동사의 수 일치에 대한 유형론적 비교
A Typological Approach to Number Agreement of Verbs in Korean Sign Language
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While verb agreement based on grammatical person has been a focal point of sign language research, the relatively limited attention given to grammatical number highlights the significance of this investigation. Existing studies, notably Rathmann and Mathur(2005) and Mathur and Rathmann (2010), have outlined foundational strategies for number agreement in sign languages, observing parallels across American Sign Language (ASL), German Sign Language (DGS), and Nihon Shuwa (NS). However, these studies do not encapsulate the full diversity of strategies utilized in other sign languages. In this context, the exploration of number agreement in Korean Sign Language (KSL) uncovers both congruities and divergences. Similar to ASL, DGS,and NS, KSL employs spatial modulation and movement to signal number agreement,showcasing a shared typological framework among these languages. Nevertheless,KSL distinguishes itself through the use of finger numeration to mark plurality. This feature, absent in Rathmann and Mathur's (2005) analysis, demonstrates an innovative morphological strategy within KSL that enriches the broader understanding of number agreement mechanisms in sign languages. This finding not only reinforces the shared typological tendencies among the studied sign languages but also emphasizes the unique linguistic resources deployed by KSL. The inclusion of finger numeration invites further inquiry into its functional and cultural motivations, as well as its implications for cross-linguistic typologies of sign language agreement systems.
Abstract
While verb agreement based on grammatical person has been a focal point of sign language research, the relatively limited attention given to grammatical number highlights the significance of this investigation. Existing studies, notably Rathmann and Mathur(2005) and Mathur and Rathmann (2010), have outlined foundational strategies for number agreement in sign languages, observing parallels across American Sign Language (ASL), German Sign Language (DGS), and Nihon Shuwa (NS). However, these studies do not encapsulate the full diversity of strategies utilized in other sign languages. In this context, the exploration of number agreement in Korean Sign Language (KSL) uncovers both congruities and divergences. Similar to ASL, DGS,and NS, KSL employs spatial modulation and movement to signal number agreement,showcasing a shared typological framework among these languages. Nevertheless,KSL distinguishes itself through the use of finger numeration to mark plurality. This feature, absent in Rathmann and Mathur's (2005) analysis, demonstrates an innovative morphological strategy within KSL that enriches the broader understanding of number agreement mechanisms in sign languages. This finding not only reinforces the shared typological tendencies among the studied sign languages but also emphasizes the unique linguistic resources deployed by KSL. The inclusion of finger numeration invites further inquiry into its functional and cultural motivations, as well as its implications for cross-linguistic typologies of sign language agreement systems.
참고문헌 (14)
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