영어 역행 결속구문의 이동분석에 관한 연구
A Movement Analysis of Backward Binding Constructions in English
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This study deals with backward binding constructions involving psych and causative verbs in English. It particularly focuses on what appear to be cases of backward anaphora that have raised several problems in the area of the binding theory, with concomitant violations of c-command and weak crossover. This study also discusses how movement out of the subject (or adjunct) is indeed possible in the backward binding constructions in English without violating the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED). This paper shows that it is possible to explain the relation of backward binding phenomena between the anaphora and their antecedents if we adopt a movement approach. This study shows that backward binding constructions are the residues of the overt sideward A-movement (Copy plus Merge) by the derivational approach. However, it points out that sideward movement resulting in overgeneration, locality, and Minimal Link Condition would pose theoretical implications that have yet to be explained. Nonetheless, this paper argues that sideward movement without c-command relationship is an unavoidable necessity in order to derive the backward binding constructions successfully, showing that the subject (or adjunct) is not intrinsically an island and that the timing in a derivation decides whether the subject (or adjunct) is an island. Thus, this paper concludes that sideward movement provides the only viable approach to backward binding phenomena.
Abstract
This study deals with backward binding constructions involving psych and causative verbs in English. It particularly focuses on what appear to be cases of backward anaphora that have raised several problems in the area of the binding theory, with concomitant violations of c-command and weak crossover. This study also discusses how movement out of the subject (or adjunct) is indeed possible in the backward binding constructions in English without violating the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED). This paper shows that it is possible to explain the relation of backward binding phenomena between the anaphora and their antecedents if we adopt a movement approach. This study shows that backward binding constructions are the residues of the overt sideward A-movement (Copy plus Merge) by the derivational approach. However, it points out that sideward movement resulting in overgeneration, locality, and Minimal Link Condition would pose theoretical implications that have yet to be explained. Nonetheless, this paper argues that sideward movement without c-command relationship is an unavoidable necessity in order to derive the backward binding constructions successfully, showing that the subject (or adjunct) is not intrinsically an island and that the timing in a derivation decides whether the subject (or adjunct) is an island. Thus, this paper concludes that sideward movement provides the only viable approach to backward binding phenomena.
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