고려시대 氈城과 摩利山塹城의 제천단

Abstract

The sacrifice rituals of Jeonseong(氈城) and Chamseong(塹城) were special in that they were held at an outdoor altar at the peak of a mountain. The Jeonseong and Chamseong’s sacrificial altars can be differentiated in that the former was used during Goryeo's early and mid periods while the latter was used during the later period for the performance of national sacrificial ceremony. The heavenly ceremony conducted at the Jeonseong altar in the eastern part of Yeomju(鹽州) in the fifth year of King Seonjong(1088) after having been suspended at the suggestion of Choi Sueng-ro in the first year of King Seongjong(982) carried the spirit of a revival. It was thus continued until after the transfer of the capital to Gangdo(江都) in the nineteenth year of King Gojong(1232). In Korea historical geography, Daedong-giji, the king's visit to Yeomju during the twentieth year of King Hyeonjong(1029) can be confirmed, but it also brings up the possibility of his direct participation in the ceremony itself. The location of Jeonseong's sacrificial altar has been settled as being on Mount Cheonbae(天拜山) in Yeonan. Daedong-giji shows Yeonan's ancient sacrificial altar was called Shrine in the southern region, Namshindang(南神堂), and Yeonan historical geography, Yeonan-buji, records the altar as being round in shape and made of piled earth. From the point recorded in the same source that upon ascending the location of the altar one had an open view in all four direction, the location could be linked with Mount Mari's Chamseong altar. In contrast to this altar located on Mount Mari, which was of stone, Jeonseong's altar was earthen. Yeonan-buji also records the existence of Great for the shrine, Daewangdang(大王堂), and Namshindang on Mount Cheonbae, the significance being that Daewangdang referred to the sacrificial altar itself while Namshindang referred to the location of the preparation of the ceremony as well as the area where rural scholars and temporary officials associated with the ceremony would spend the night. On this point, Daewangdang is comparable with the Chamseong altar and Namshindang with the place to prepare for sacrifice, Jaegung(齋宮). Gradually, however, the functionality of the shrine deteriorated, and Namshindang subsequently became a hermitage designated the place of Namshindang(南神堂菴) before apparently falling into disuse. In the same way, Jaegung at Mount Mari's Chamseongdan can be compared with Cheonjae-gung(天齋宮)･Cheonjae-am(天齋菴). The dispatch of second and third level officials to the March ceremony in the fifth year of King Seonjong(1088) can be compared to a third level scholar acting as the king's representative at Chamseong during the late Goryeo period. Moreover, when comparing the example of Mount Mari's Chamseong, one notices the similarities between the management of its ceremonial area along with the preparation of the sacrificial resources and those carried out at Jeonseong's ceremonies. The issue surrounding the comparison of the sacrificial altars of Jeonseong and Chamseong's sacrificial altars is one of historical consciousness. Jeonseong's character as merely a sacrificial altar evokes a serious contrast with that of Chamseong which is known as "Tangun's sacrificial altar." This can only provoke a severe gap in historical perception between the two locations, a gap which is recognized as dealing with the concept of historical succession. This is especially evident against the background of the king's direct participation in the sacrificial ceremony as he decreed "Samhan shall become Jindan(三韓變爲震旦)." By this, the king mean the transformation of historical consciousness of the nation to include not only the remaining concept of Goryeo in the Samhan period, but also ancient Joseon and even pre-Joseon. It is thus necessary to consider the meaning behind this statement when considering the important fact that the compilation of Samgug-yusa and Jewang-ungi within the framework of the nation took place only twenty years after establishing Tangun as its founder.