Effects of Information Status, Subject Type and Tenseon Subject Case Ellipsis in Korean: An Experimental Study
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This paper examines how the information status and the type of a subject NP and tense affect subject case ellipsis in Korean. Past investigations of Korean case ellipsis have focused on one or two of these factors at a time without attempting to compare them explicitly. Through experimentation the present study demonstrates that both transitive subjects and the subjects of informationally light unaccusative verbs showed a lower rate of case ellipsis in the focus condition and in the topic condition and that the subjects of informationally light unaccusative verbs exhibited a higher rate of case ellipsis in both conditions. The results of the experiment further show that there was a stronger preference for case ellipsis in tense deficient clauses compared to in past tense clauses but a strict one-to-one relationship between tense and subject form did not hold. This evidence argues against categorical accounts of case ellipsis and supports the conclusion that the information status and the type of subject NPs, along with tense, should be viewed as violable, soft constraints rather than as inviolable, hard constraints as previously claimed.
Abstract
This paper examines how the information status and the type of a subject NP and tense affect subject case ellipsis in Korean. Past investigations of Korean case ellipsis have focused on one or two of these factors at a time without attempting to compare them explicitly. Through experimentation the present study demonstrates that both transitive subjects and the subjects of informationally light unaccusative verbs showed a lower rate of case ellipsis in the focus condition and in the topic condition and that the subjects of informationally light unaccusative verbs exhibited a higher rate of case ellipsis in both conditions. The results of the experiment further show that there was a stronger preference for case ellipsis in tense deficient clauses compared to in past tense clauses but a strict one-to-one relationship between tense and subject form did not hold. This evidence argues against categorical accounts of case ellipsis and supports the conclusion that the information status and the type of subject NPs, along with tense, should be viewed as violable, soft constraints rather than as inviolable, hard constraints as previously claimed.
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