Context, Non-Canonical Word Order and Subject-Object Asymmetry in Korean Case Ellipsis
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초록
Case ellipsis for subjects and objects in Korean exhibits several clear asymmetries in acceptability. The main purpose of this study is to provide a new probability-based analysis of a subject-object asymmetry in case ellipsis found in OSV sentences that can also explain other types of subject-object asymmetries in a unified way. In previous syntactic accounts of case ellipsis, unacceptable case ellipsis for subjects in OSV sentences has been analyzed as resulting from a violation of a structural requirement on the position of bare subject NPs (Ahn and Cho 2006a, 2006b, 2007). However, evidence from an acceptability rating experiment demonstrates that unlike ill-formed sentences involving a violation of core syntactic principles, OSV sentences containing a case-ellipsed subject are judged mildly unacceptable and that these sentences are judged acceptable when the subject refers to expected, predictable information in context. This evidence supports the conclusion that the dispreference for subject case ellipsis in OSV sentences is due to violations of probabilistic constraints that favor case marking for rare types of subjects and such violations can be remedied by non-syntactic information.
Abstract
Case ellipsis for subjects and objects in Korean exhibits several clear asymmetries in acceptability. The main purpose of this study is to provide a new probability-based analysis of a subject-object asymmetry in case ellipsis found in OSV sentences that can also explain other types of subject-object asymmetries in a unified way. In previous syntactic accounts of case ellipsis, unacceptable case ellipsis for subjects in OSV sentences has been analyzed as resulting from a violation of a structural requirement on the position of bare subject NPs (Ahn and Cho 2006a, 2006b, 2007). However, evidence from an acceptability rating experiment demonstrates that unlike ill-formed sentences involving a violation of core syntactic principles, OSV sentences containing a case-ellipsed subject are judged mildly unacceptable and that these sentences are judged acceptable when the subject refers to expected, predictable information in context. This evidence supports the conclusion that the dispreference for subject case ellipsis in OSV sentences is due to violations of probabilistic constraints that favor case marking for rare types of subjects and such violations can be remedied by non-syntactic information.
참고문헌 (40)
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