D-linking and Gradients in Korean Case Ellipsis:An Experiment with Wh-subjects
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This paper examines the effects of d-linking on the acceptability of case ellipsis for wh-subjects. Previous syntactic accounts of case ellipsis have suggested that the interpretation of case-ellipsed wh-subjects is more restricted compared to that of case-ellipsed wh-objects appearing in their canonical position in that these subjects are left-dislocated phrases that have only a d(iscourse)-linked interpretation (Ahn and Cho 2006a, 2006b, 2007, 2009). Using experimental evidence, we argue against approaches to case ellipsis rigidly linking the syntactic position of argument NPs and their interpretation and formal realization. An alternative analysis is proposed which accounts for both d-linking effects on case ellipsis and the gradient acceptability of case ellipsis for wh-arguments of different classes of verbs in terms of the usage probability associated with argument NPs. Evidence from an acceptability rating experiment demonstrates that case ellipsis is more acceptable for the type of subject that has a higher probability of accommodating new information and that d-linking effects are more strongly discernable in case ellipsis for this type of subject. We argue that the different strength of the d-linking effect on case ellipsis for the wh-subject of transitive verbs and that of informationally light unaccusative verbs can be explained by the effect of (in)frequency taking priority over predictability.
Abstract
This paper examines the effects of d-linking on the acceptability of case ellipsis for wh-subjects. Previous syntactic accounts of case ellipsis have suggested that the interpretation of case-ellipsed wh-subjects is more restricted compared to that of case-ellipsed wh-objects appearing in their canonical position in that these subjects are left-dislocated phrases that have only a d(iscourse)-linked interpretation (Ahn and Cho 2006a, 2006b, 2007, 2009). Using experimental evidence, we argue against approaches to case ellipsis rigidly linking the syntactic position of argument NPs and their interpretation and formal realization. An alternative analysis is proposed which accounts for both d-linking effects on case ellipsis and the gradient acceptability of case ellipsis for wh-arguments of different classes of verbs in terms of the usage probability associated with argument NPs. Evidence from an acceptability rating experiment demonstrates that case ellipsis is more acceptable for the type of subject that has a higher probability of accommodating new information and that d-linking effects are more strongly discernable in case ellipsis for this type of subject. We argue that the different strength of the d-linking effect on case ellipsis for the wh-subject of transitive verbs and that of informationally light unaccusative verbs can be explained by the effect of (in)frequency taking priority over predictability.
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