Korean consonant cluster reduction: focus on markedness-oriented PREC
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초록
This paper aims to reexamine and reanalyze Korean consonant cluster (CC) reduction phenomena under the framework of Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) and Precedence (PREC) constraint. Asymmetric CC-reduction, dialectal variation and non-surface-apparent suffixal tensification are the major issues. In Korean, underlying CC in coda is obligatorily simplified but asymmetric. The first C survives in an obstruent sequence while the second C surfaces in a sonorant sequence. Interestingly, in the sequence of a sonorant and an obstruent, the first sonorant occurs in Gyeongsang Korean while the second obstruent surfaces in Seoul Korean. Max-Feature family constraints are responsible for the dialectal division. Further, when a consonant-initial suffix is added over a morpheme boundary, suffixal tensification is not surface-apparent and thus opaque. Compared to faithfulness-based PREC, markedness-oriented PREC captures more direct rule ordering effect under OT-CC in accordance with the metaconstraint requirement, B >> PREC (A, B).
Abstract
This paper aims to reexamine and reanalyze Korean consonant cluster (CC) reduction phenomena under the framework of Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) and Precedence (PREC) constraint. Asymmetric CC-reduction, dialectal variation and non-surface-apparent suffixal tensification are the major issues. In Korean, underlying CC in coda is obligatorily simplified but asymmetric. The first C survives in an obstruent sequence while the second C surfaces in a sonorant sequence. Interestingly, in the sequence of a sonorant and an obstruent, the first sonorant occurs in Gyeongsang Korean while the second obstruent surfaces in Seoul Korean. Max-Feature family constraints are responsible for the dialectal division. Further, when a consonant-initial suffix is added over a morpheme boundary, suffixal tensification is not surface-apparent and thus opaque. Compared to faithfulness-based PREC, markedness-oriented PREC captures more direct rule ordering effect under OT-CC in accordance with the metaconstraint requirement, B >> PREC (A, B).
참고문헌 (15)
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