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Local conjunction of markedness constraint subhierarchies: the precedence relationship between place and sonority in Korean coda restrictions

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Considering the fact that a coda is sensitive to two marked conditions, i.e., place and sonority (Prince and Smolensky 1993, Smolensky 1995, Itô and Mester 1996, Padgett 2002), this study analyzes Consonant Cluster Simplification in Korean by means of the conjunction of place and sonority subhierarchies, named generalized local conjunction (Gafos and Lombadi 1999, Woods 2004). First, this paper adopts two universal constraint hierarchies: (1) the hierarchy for place markedness *Coda-[coronal] >> *Coda-[labial] >> *Coda-[dorsal] (Shin 1997, 2003) and (2) the hierarchy for sonority *Coda-obstruent>> *Coda-nasal >> *Coda-lateral (Woods 2004). In addition, this work proposes that there is an overall precedence relationship between place and sonority in such a way that place markedness takes precedence over sonority in the Seoul dialect, while the opposite is true for the Gyeongsang dialect. In sum, this precedence relationship between place markedness and sonority in association with the conjunction of subhierarchies rather than the conjunction of candidates can provide a comprehensive account for CCS in Korean.

Abstract

Considering the fact that a coda is sensitive to two marked conditions, i.e., place and sonority (Prince and Smolensky 1993, Smolensky 1995, Itô and Mester 1996, Padgett 2002), this study analyzes Consonant Cluster Simplification in Korean by means of the conjunction of place and sonority subhierarchies, named generalized local conjunction (Gafos and Lombadi 1999, Woods 2004). First, this paper adopts two universal constraint hierarchies: (1) the hierarchy for place markedness *Coda-[coronal] >> *Coda-[labial] >> *Coda-[dorsal] (Shin 1997, 2003) and (2) the hierarchy for sonority *Coda-obstruent>> *Coda-nasal >> *Coda-lateral (Woods 2004). In addition, this work proposes that there is an overall precedence relationship between place and sonority in such a way that place markedness takes precedence over sonority in the Seoul dialect, while the opposite is true for the Gyeongsang dialect. In sum, this precedence relationship between place markedness and sonority in association with the conjunction of subhierarchies rather than the conjunction of candidates can provide a comprehensive account for CCS in Korean.

참고문헌 (24)

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  20. smolensky, paul, "Harmony,markedness,and phonological activity.Paper presented at the Rutgers University of Optimality Theory Workshop", ~ (1993)
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