Alternative Questions in Korean: Their Prosody and Denotation
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초록
Morpho-syntactically, Korean alternative questions are apparently a combination of two polar questions, i.e., two CPs. Pragmatically, they also seem to readily allow for both- or neither-responses without the aid of hedging devices. It is thus expected that they would denote a set of four propositions {p, ¬p, q, ¬q} or {p, q, p⋀q, ¬p⋀¬q}, but in fact, they are semantically understood as genuine alternative questions that have long been assumed to denote a set of two propositions {p, q}, just like their English counterparts. The apparent discrepancy between their syntax and pragmatics on the one hand and their semantics on the other is in need of an explanation. This paper argues that it is resolved via a closer look at the semantic contributions made by the prosodic cues, namely the mid-tone on the first disjunct followed by the falling intonation on the second disjunct, which I argue carries the exhaustivity and exclusivity presupposition in Biezma & Rawlins’ sense.
Abstract
Morpho-syntactically, Korean alternative questions are apparently a combination of two polar questions, i.e., two CPs. Pragmatically, they also seem to readily allow for both- or neither-responses without the aid of hedging devices. It is thus expected that they would denote a set of four propositions {p, ¬p, q, ¬q} or {p, q, p⋀q, ¬p⋀¬q}, but in fact, they are semantically understood as genuine alternative questions that have long been assumed to denote a set of two propositions {p, q}, just like their English counterparts. The apparent discrepancy between their syntax and pragmatics on the one hand and their semantics on the other is in need of an explanation. This paper argues that it is resolved via a closer look at the semantic contributions made by the prosodic cues, namely the mid-tone on the first disjunct followed by the falling intonation on the second disjunct, which I argue carries the exhaustivity and exclusivity presupposition in Biezma & Rawlins’ sense.
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