On the Ambiguity of (Negative) Interrogatives
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In this paper, I discuss the following two semantic properties of interrogatives with NEG in Korean (and in English): First, they are interpreted either as (I) neutral negative interrogatives or as (II) non-neutral interrogatives where the negative meaning of NEG is considered to be lost. Second, type (II) non-neutral interrogatives can trigger either a question or a statement reading. By examininglexical/semantic properties of sentence-ending (SE) markers in Korean, which can be analyzed as MOOD (or as MOOD+COMP), I suggest that the loss of the negative meaning of NEG is triggered because some of the SE markers that are known as interrogative (INT) markers optionally bear the feature [Speaker's Denial] (=[Ds]), whose function is to deny the negative value of NEG in a way similar to how a NEG negates the negative value of another NEG in a sentence. By suggesting that SE markers that can have the feature [Ds] may be ambiguous between DEC and INT in a certain way, I attempt to explain the second semantic property. During the discussion, I suggest that some SE markers are many-way ambiguous and that there are at least three subclasses of interrogatives/declaratives: (neutral) negative interrogatives/declaratives (I), (non-neutral) interrogatives/declaratives with Speaker's Denial (II), and (non-neutral) interrogatives/declarative with Speaker's Assertion (III). Finally, I discuss empirical advantages of the present approach, and also examine some related issues discussed in the literature, which are properly explained under the present approach.
Abstract
In this paper, I discuss the following two semantic properties of interrogatives with NEG in Korean (and in English): First, they are interpreted either as (I) neutral negative interrogatives or as (II) non-neutral interrogatives where the negative meaning of NEG is considered to be lost. Second, type (II) non-neutral interrogatives can trigger either a question or a statement reading. By examininglexical/semantic properties of sentence-ending (SE) markers in Korean, which can be analyzed as MOOD (or as MOOD+COMP), I suggest that the loss of the negative meaning of NEG is triggered because some of the SE markers that are known as interrogative (INT) markers optionally bear the feature [Speaker's Denial] (=[Ds]), whose function is to deny the negative value of NEG in a way similar to how a NEG negates the negative value of another NEG in a sentence. By suggesting that SE markers that can have the feature [Ds] may be ambiguous between DEC and INT in a certain way, I attempt to explain the second semantic property. During the discussion, I suggest that some SE markers are many-way ambiguous and that there are at least three subclasses of interrogatives/declaratives: (neutral) negative interrogatives/declaratives (I), (non-neutral) interrogatives/declaratives with Speaker's Denial (II), and (non-neutral) interrogatives/declarative with Speaker's Assertion (III). Finally, I discuss empirical advantages of the present approach, and also examine some related issues discussed in the literature, which are properly explained under the present approach.
참고문헌 (27)
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