Embedded questions and quantificational variability effects in Korean
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This paper provides a few descriptive generalizations about the constructions that show the quantificational variability effects (QVEs) in Korean and an informal discussion on their theoretical implications. Specifically, it is noted that indirect yes/no questions as well as wh-questions embedded under factive verbs show the QVE when an entity-denoting individual variable, explicit or implicit, is available. That is, the QVE reading is allowed in any type of wh-questions regardless of the type of the wh-phrases or the nature of their embedded predicates (stativity, telicity, or durativity, etc.) while yes/no questions based on individual-level predicates or generic statements do not show the QVE even if they are embedded under factive verbs. The paper also argues for an approach to the QVE that does not rely on the factivity presupposition that arises from the matrix predicate.
Abstract
This paper provides a few descriptive generalizations about the constructions that show the quantificational variability effects (QVEs) in Korean and an informal discussion on their theoretical implications. Specifically, it is noted that indirect yes/no questions as well as wh-questions embedded under factive verbs show the QVE when an entity-denoting individual variable, explicit or implicit, is available. That is, the QVE reading is allowed in any type of wh-questions regardless of the type of the wh-phrases or the nature of their embedded predicates (stativity, telicity, or durativity, etc.) while yes/no questions based on individual-level predicates or generic statements do not show the QVE even if they are embedded under factive verbs. The paper also argues for an approach to the QVE that does not rely on the factivity presupposition that arises from the matrix predicate.
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