16세기 田稅 財政 운영의 재검토
Reconsideration of the 16th century Jeonse(田稅) Jaejeong(財政) Operation
0
조회
0
다운로드
10
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
In the recent research on history, financial operation during the 16th century of Joseon Dynasty is described very negatively. One of the point significantly mentioned in such financial operation is downward fixation of Jeonse and decrease of Migok(米穀) income accordingly. During the 15th century, overall government system was established and the foundation of the nation was strengthened through abundant finance securement. On the contrary, in the 16th century, Younbun(年分) of Jeonse was gradually fixed downward(下下), and Jeonse income rapidly decreased accordingly, and national financial operation became poor. However, such explanation cannot fully explain downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century. Above all, such questions as, was Jeonse of the 16 century actually fixed downward? If so, how much did Jeonse receipt amount decrease? How did such decrease of Jeonse receipt influence the central financial operation? What was the cause of such change?, etc. were not clearly determined or no solution based on causal relation was suggested. According to the researcher’s review, national Jeonse income around the 15th century Gongbeob was 44~48Manseok(萬石), almost 50Manseok(萬石). During the 16th century, Jeonse receipt amount decreased to around 27Manseok(萬石). Receipt amount per 1 Gyeol also decreased from 6~7Du(斗) during mid and late 15th century to 4Du(斗) in thee 16th century. Such decrease of Jeonseo receipt amount was due to the national financial structure of mid 15th century. Financial structure based on Gongan(貢案)-Hwenggan(橫看), established during King Sejo’s reign, it was regulated to reduce expense rationally, also, pay(納入) tax to the central government with only necessary amount. Accordingly, tax pay to the central government was also minimized, and the amount of central tax payment was regulated based on the assumption of 4Du receipt per 1Gyeol, the poorest tax receipt condition. Establishment of such financial structure noticeably reduced the necessity to maintain receipt per 1Gyeol over 4Du(斗). Accordingly, Jeonse receipt in each province was fixed to 4Du(斗) per 1Gyeol. However, since the financial source paid to the central government through 4Du(斗) receipt per 1Gyeol was favorable, therefore, downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century did not directly influence the central finance. Nevertheless, downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century reduced the preliminary finances, that is, the reduction of Bichukgok. In case of Bichukgok of Seoul as an example, central Bichukgok, which had exceeded 1 million Seok during King Taejong, decresed to 50Manseok(萬石) during King Sejong. Later, during the late 15th century, it increased to around 1 million Seok(萬石), then decreased to 50~70Manseok(萬石) in the 16th century. National Bichukgok during King Myungjong’s reign in mid 16 rapidly decreased to 30Manseok(萬石), which value seemed to have been maintained until the outbreak of Japanese invasions of Korea. This way, downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century was derived out of the financial structure of the late 15th century, which did not directly influence central finance operation. However, national Bichukgok(備蓄穀) decreased to 30Manseok. Considering such result, the researcher thinks that current research on history, which describes financial operation of the 16th century negatively, should be reconsidered.
Abstract
In the recent research on history, financial operation during the 16th century of Joseon Dynasty is described very negatively. One of the point significantly mentioned in such financial operation is downward fixation of Jeonse and decrease of Migok(米穀) income accordingly. During the 15th century, overall government system was established and the foundation of the nation was strengthened through abundant finance securement. On the contrary, in the 16th century, Younbun(年分) of Jeonse was gradually fixed downward(下下), and Jeonse income rapidly decreased accordingly, and national financial operation became poor. However, such explanation cannot fully explain downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century. Above all, such questions as, was Jeonse of the 16 century actually fixed downward? If so, how much did Jeonse receipt amount decrease? How did such decrease of Jeonse receipt influence the central financial operation? What was the cause of such change?, etc. were not clearly determined or no solution based on causal relation was suggested. According to the researcher’s review, national Jeonse income around the 15th century Gongbeob was 44~48Manseok(萬石), almost 50Manseok(萬石). During the 16th century, Jeonse receipt amount decreased to around 27Manseok(萬石). Receipt amount per 1 Gyeol also decreased from 6~7Du(斗) during mid and late 15th century to 4Du(斗) in thee 16th century. Such decrease of Jeonseo receipt amount was due to the national financial structure of mid 15th century. Financial structure based on Gongan(貢案)-Hwenggan(橫看), established during King Sejo’s reign, it was regulated to reduce expense rationally, also, pay(納入) tax to the central government with only necessary amount. Accordingly, tax pay to the central government was also minimized, and the amount of central tax payment was regulated based on the assumption of 4Du receipt per 1Gyeol, the poorest tax receipt condition. Establishment of such financial structure noticeably reduced the necessity to maintain receipt per 1Gyeol over 4Du(斗). Accordingly, Jeonse receipt in each province was fixed to 4Du(斗) per 1Gyeol. However, since the financial source paid to the central government through 4Du(斗) receipt per 1Gyeol was favorable, therefore, downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century did not directly influence the central finance. Nevertheless, downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century reduced the preliminary finances, that is, the reduction of Bichukgok. In case of Bichukgok of Seoul as an example, central Bichukgok, which had exceeded 1 million Seok during King Taejong, decresed to 50Manseok(萬石) during King Sejong. Later, during the late 15th century, it increased to around 1 million Seok(萬石), then decreased to 50~70Manseok(萬石) in the 16th century. National Bichukgok during King Myungjong’s reign in mid 16 rapidly decreased to 30Manseok(萬石), which value seemed to have been maintained until the outbreak of Japanese invasions of Korea. This way, downward fixation of Jeonse in the 16th century was derived out of the financial structure of the late 15th century, which did not directly influence central finance operation. However, national Bichukgok(備蓄穀) decreased to 30Manseok. Considering such result, the researcher thinks that current research on history, which describes financial operation of the 16th century negatively, should be reconsidered.
참고문헌 (31)
- "조선왕조실록", ~
- 강만길, "분단시대의 역사인식" (1992), 창작과 비평사
- 박시형, "이조전세제도의 성립과정", 진단학보, 14 (1941)
- 김태영, "조선전기토지제도사연구" (1983), 지식산업사
- 이경식, "조선전기토지제도연구: 토지분급제와 농민지배" (1986), 일조각
- 강제훈, "조선초기 전세제도 연구" (2002), 고대민족문화연구원
- 이경식, "조선전기토지제도사연구 Ⅱ" (1998), 지식산업사
- 이재룡, "손보기박사정년기념 한국사학논총" (1988), 지식산업사
- 박종수, "16・17세기 전세의 정액화 과정", 한국사론, 30 (1993)
- 김성우, "조선중기 국가와 사족" (2001), 역사비평사
- 이재룡, "조선전기 경제구조연구" (1999), 숭실대학교출판부
- 김성우, "16세기 국가재정의 위기와 신분제의 변화", 역사와 현실, 16 (1995)
- 김성우, "16세기 국가재정 수요의 증대와 국역체제의 해체", 한국사연구, 97 (1997)
- 소순규, "조선초기 공납제 운영과 공안개정", 박사, pp.2017
- 정두희, "왕조의 얼굴: 조선왕조의 건국사에 대한 새로운 이해" (2010), 서강대학교출판부
- 이재룡, "조선초기 포화전에 대한 일고찰", 한국사연구, 91 (1995)
- 강제훈, "조선초기의 전세공물", 역사학보, 158 (1998)
- 박도식, "조선전기 전세조공물 연구", 인문학연구, 8 (2004)
- 강제훈, "조선 태종·세종대 전세의 부과와 수취", 한국사학보, 6 (1999)
- 강제훈, "踏驗損實法의 시행과 田品制의 변화", 韓國史學報, (8), pp.293~334 (2000), 고려사학회
- 김성우, "조선중기 국가와 사족", pp.72~78 (2001), 역사비평사
- 오정섭, "고려말 ・ 조선초 각사위전을 통해 본 중앙재정", 한국사론, 27 (1992)
- 강제훈, "朝鮮初期 國庫穀의 還上 운용", 韓國史學報, (5), pp.85~119 (1998), 고려사학회
- 최완기, "조선전기 조운시고: 그 운영형태의 변천과정을 중심으로", 白山學報, 20 (1976)
- 최완기, "조선전기의 穀物任運考", 史叢, 23 (1979)
- 六反田豊, "李朝初期の田稅輸送体制: 各道單位にみたその整備․変遷過程", 朝鮮學報, 123 (1987)
- 菅野修一, "朝鮮初期 賑恤穀 운송 문제:朝鮮王朝의 國家的 再分配 기능에 대한 考察", 古文書硏究, 22, pp.193~222 (2003), 한국고문서학회
- 소순규, "朝鮮 初期 倭料 규모의 증가와 제도적 대응", 조선시대사학보, (69), pp.67~101 (2014), 조선시대사학회
- 한정훈, "조선 건국기 漕運體制의 정비와 그 의미", 진단학보, (120), pp.55~78 (2014), 진단학회
- 문경호, "여말 선초 조운제도의 연속과 변화", 지방사와 지방문화, 17(1), pp.65~102 (2014), 역사문화학회[DOI]
- 金勳埴, "朝鮮初期 義倉制度硏究", 박사, 국사학, pp.1993
