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19세기 후반 동아시아 불평등조약체제하 외국인 거류제도의 계보: 일본 모델의 한국 전파 과정을 중심으로

The Origin and Propagation of Foreign Settlement System Under the East Asian Unequal Treaties System in the 19th Century

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The unequal treaties signed by East Asian countries in the 19th century dismantled the previous spatial order and reorganized the space in a direction unrelated to the traditional context. For example, in the case of the Qing dynasty, the newly defined “interior(內地)” by the 1876 Chefoo Convention, known in Chinese as the Yantai Treaty(英淸芝罘條約), lost the traditional geographical and cultural centrality and was simply redefined outside the “foreign settlement(租界).” Joseon underwent a similar process after signing the first modern treaty with Japan in 1876. After Joseon’s diplomacy diversified in the 1880s, the United Kingdom-Korea Treaty of 1883(朝英修好通商條約) set an example for trade treaties. According to Article 4 of the treaty, the space of the Korean Peninsula was divided into the “interior” and the “foreign settlement” in a concentric circle, limited to a distance of 10 li(里) from the foreign settlement. At the time, “foreign settlement” was set as a residential area for foreigners only, “interior” for the people of Joseon, and the area within 10 li of the settlement was a “mixed residence area” where foreigners and the people of Joseon lived in the same area. However, in the process of colonization by Imperial Japan, the boundary between the “interior” and the “mixed residence area” collapsed, and after the Annexation Treaty in 1910, the Korean peninsula was defined as “outside(外地)” within Imperial Japan’s territory. The term “interior” no longer existed in the Korean peninsula and became a term referring to the mainland of Japan. As such, under the unequal treaties system, spatial “inequality” appeared in the form of a loss of centrality. Furthermore, it was the foreign settlements that played a new central role in spatial reorganization. It should be noted that the foreign residence model was not a complete and finished system from the beginning, as illustrated by the Shanghai foreign residence model. The foreign residence system was in a process of formation and therefore variable. However, once a precedent was established, even in its incomplete form, it soon became a model and spread to various places. The propagation of the foreign residence system also brought modifications according to the circumstances of each region or country, and the result of repeated modifications was generally the elaboration of “inequality.” Joseon was slower to sign inequality treatment than the Qing dynasty’s China or Japan, which can be considered to be the end of the spread of these foreign residence systems and the birthplace of the most sophisticated foreign residence system. This study goes back to the origin of the foreign residence system under the East Asian unequal treaties system in the 19th century to review the succession and disconnection as it spread among the countries and regions. Through this review, the study reveals the pluralistic nature of the modern era experienced by East Asian countries. China’s foreign residence system was a variant of the “Guangdong Sangguan(廣東商館)” and Japan created a new system in competition with the precedent of the “Nagasaki Dejima(出島),” and the Japanese foreign residence system established in Korea was founded on the traditional “Waegwan(倭館).” While East Asian countries share the fact that foreign settlements existed before these unequal treaties, the relationship between the settlements and the modern system was different. Nevertheless, the residence models spread despite these differences and the propagated models were newly defined under differing conditions. If a bilateral comparison of treaties and rules of residence signed by each country can be made, it will be possible to draw up a genealogy that follows the first model at the East Asian level.

Abstract

The unequal treaties signed by East Asian countries in the 19th century dismantled the previous spatial order and reorganized the space in a direction unrelated to the traditional context. For example, in the case of the Qing dynasty, the newly defined “interior(內地)” by the 1876 Chefoo Convention, known in Chinese as the Yantai Treaty(英淸芝罘條約), lost the traditional geographical and cultural centrality and was simply redefined outside the “foreign settlement(租界).” Joseon underwent a similar process after signing the first modern treaty with Japan in 1876. After Joseon’s diplomacy diversified in the 1880s, the United Kingdom-Korea Treaty of 1883(朝英修好通商條約) set an example for trade treaties. According to Article 4 of the treaty, the space of the Korean Peninsula was divided into the “interior” and the “foreign settlement” in a concentric circle, limited to a distance of 10 li(里) from the foreign settlement. At the time, “foreign settlement” was set as a residential area for foreigners only, “interior” for the people of Joseon, and the area within 10 li of the settlement was a “mixed residence area” where foreigners and the people of Joseon lived in the same area. However, in the process of colonization by Imperial Japan, the boundary between the “interior” and the “mixed residence area” collapsed, and after the Annexation Treaty in 1910, the Korean peninsula was defined as “outside(外地)” within Imperial Japan’s territory. The term “interior” no longer existed in the Korean peninsula and became a term referring to the mainland of Japan. As such, under the unequal treaties system, spatial “inequality” appeared in the form of a loss of centrality. Furthermore, it was the foreign settlements that played a new central role in spatial reorganization. It should be noted that the foreign residence model was not a complete and finished system from the beginning, as illustrated by the Shanghai foreign residence model. The foreign residence system was in a process of formation and therefore variable. However, once a precedent was established, even in its incomplete form, it soon became a model and spread to various places. The propagation of the foreign residence system also brought modifications according to the circumstances of each region or country, and the result of repeated modifications was generally the elaboration of “inequality.” Joseon was slower to sign inequality treatment than the Qing dynasty’s China or Japan, which can be considered to be the end of the spread of these foreign residence systems and the birthplace of the most sophisticated foreign residence system. This study goes back to the origin of the foreign residence system under the East Asian unequal treaties system in the 19th century to review the succession and disconnection as it spread among the countries and regions. Through this review, the study reveals the pluralistic nature of the modern era experienced by East Asian countries. China’s foreign residence system was a variant of the “Guangdong Sangguan(廣東商館)” and Japan created a new system in competition with the precedent of the “Nagasaki Dejima(出島),” and the Japanese foreign residence system established in Korea was founded on the traditional “Waegwan(倭館).” While East Asian countries share the fact that foreign settlements existed before these unequal treaties, the relationship between the settlements and the modern system was different. Nevertheless, the residence models spread despite these differences and the propagated models were newly defined under differing conditions. If a bilateral comparison of treaties and rules of residence signed by each country can be made, it will be possible to draw up a genealogy that follows the first model at the East Asian level.

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