Korean Complementation Redux
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초록
I claim that sentence ending morphemes in Korean are not complementizers but part of the core verbal morphology projecting the functional projection of IP in the clausal architecture. It will be shown that Korean has a rich agreement between the complementizer and the functional projection of the clause in the form of either C-I or C-T agreement. This suggests that Korean also has a robust syntactic dependency of agreement. It will be also shown that Korean complementizer system, apparently complex as it stands, can be reduced to two groups, depending on whether the complementizer marks the mood of the clause. Since sentence ending morphemes, which head IP, mark the mood of the clause they are in, mood marking of a complementizer depends on whether the clause the complementizer introduces has a sentence ending morpheme in it.
Abstract
I claim that sentence ending morphemes in Korean are not complementizers but part of the core verbal morphology projecting the functional projection of IP in the clausal architecture. It will be shown that Korean has a rich agreement between the complementizer and the functional projection of the clause in the form of either C-I or C-T agreement. This suggests that Korean also has a robust syntactic dependency of agreement. It will be also shown that Korean complementizer system, apparently complex as it stands, can be reduced to two groups, depending on whether the complementizer marks the mood of the clause. Since sentence ending morphemes, which head IP, mark the mood of the clause they are in, mood marking of a complementizer depends on whether the clause the complementizer introduces has a sentence ending morpheme in it.
참고문헌 (39)
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