식민지시대의 호구조사와 민의 대응, 그 전통성의 관점에서
The census of the Colonial Period and the reaction of the people seen from the perspective of traditionality
0
조회
0
다운로드
4
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register.The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society.However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.
Abstract
Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register.The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society.However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.
참고문헌 (39)
- "경상도 산청군 신등면 제적부", ~ (1913)
- R. J. Smith, "Household and Family in Past Time" (1972), Cambridge U. P
- 宮嶋博史, "『안동권씨성화보』를 통해서 본 한국 족보의 구조적 특성", 대동문화연구, (62), pp.201~241 (2008), 대동문화연구원
- 權泰煥, "朝鮮王朝時代 人口推定에 關한 一試論", 동아문화, 14, pp.289~330 (1977), 서울대학교 동아문화연구소
- 吉田浤一, "中國家父長制論批判序說, In 中國專制國家社會統合-中國史像再構成Ⅱ" (1990), 文理閣
- 김건태, "조선후기의 인구파악 실상과 그 성격", 대동문화연구, 39, pp.127~164 (2001)
- 김경란, "조선후기 가족제도 연구의 현황과 과제, In 조선후기사 연구의 현황과 과제", pp.376~406 (2000), 창작과 비평
- 金京蘭, "조선후기 無姓層의 有姓化 과정에 대한 분석―단성지역을 중심으로", 대동문화연구, (62), pp.75~103 (2008), 대동문화연구원
- 김경호, "한·중·일 동아시아 3국의 출토문자자료의 출토 및 연구 현황", 한국고대사연구, (59), pp.329~363 (2010), 한국고대사학회
- 김문택, "16～17C 安東 眞城李氏家의 族契와 門中組織의 형성과정", 조선시대사학보, (32), pp.5~51 (2005), 조선시대사학회
- 노명호, "한국고대중세고문서연구 上" (2000), 서울대출판부
- 대구지방법원, "氏設定ニ就テ御注意", ~ (1940)
- 이영훈, "朝鮮時代 主戶-挾戶關係 再論", 古文書硏究, 25, pp.1~32 (2004), 한국고문서학회
- 李榮薰, "朝鮮前期ㆍ明代の戶籍についての比較的檢討, In 東アジア專制國家と社會ㆍ經濟" (1993), 靑木書店
- 李鍾書, "羅末麗初 姓氏 사용의 擴大와 그 背景", 韓國史論, 37, pp.41~109 (1997), 서울대학교
- 李泰鎭, "15世紀 後半期의｢巨族｣과 名族意識-｢東國輿地勝覽｣人物條의 分析을 통하여 -", 韓國史論, 3, pp.229~319 (1976), 서울대학교 한국사학과
- 백영미, "新羅統一期 戶口와 戶等에 대하여", 한국고대사연구, (40), pp.181~218 (2005), 한국고대사학회
- 速水融, "歷史人口學の世界" (1997), 岩波書店
- 速水融監修 內閣統計局, "國勢調査以前日本人口統計集成 別卷1" (1993), 原書房
- 손병규, "13~16세기 호적과 족보의 계보형태와 그 특성", 대동문화연구, (71), pp.7~41 (2010), 대동문화연구원
- 손병규, "대한제국기의 호구정책― 丹城 培養里와 濟州 德修里의 사례", 대동문화연구, (49), pp.197~237 (2005), 대동문화연구원
- 손병규, "明治戶籍과 光武戶籍의 비교", 泰東古典硏究, 24, pp.279~317 (2008), 태동고전연구회
- 손병규, "식민지 시대 除籍簿의 인구정보 ― 경상도 산청군 신등면 제적부의 자료적 성격 ―", 사림, (30), pp.173~200 (2008), 수선사학회
- 손병규, "인구사적 측면에서 본 호적과 족보의 자료적 성격-17~19세기 慶尙道 丹城縣의 戶籍大帳과 陜川李氏家의 族譜", 대동문화연구, (46), pp.79~109 (2004), 대동문화연구원
- 손병규, "조선후기 상속과 가족형태의 변화 ―丹城縣에 거주하는 安東權氏 가계의 호적 및 족보 기록으로부터", 대동문화연구, (61), pp.375~404 (2008), 대동문화연구원
- 손병규, "족보의 인구기재 범위 - 1926년경에 작성된 합천이씨의 세 파보를 중심으로 -", 古文書硏究, 28, pp.265~298 (2006), 한국고문서학회
- 손병규, "한말？일제초 제주 하모리의 호구파악―光武戶籍과 民籍簿의 비교 분석―", 대동문화연구, (54), pp.2~39 (2006), 대동문화연구원
- 손병규, "호적：1606~1923, 호구기록으로 본 조선의 문화사" (2007), 휴머니스트
- 水野直樹, "創氏改名-日本の朝鮮支配の中で" (2008), 岩波書店
- 李英美, "韓國近代戶籍關聯法規の制定及び改正過程-民籍法を中心に", 東洋文化硏究, 6 (2004), 學習院大學
- 장인진, "한국 족보의 문헌적 고찰", 古典籍, 3, pp.118~135 (2007), 韓國古典籍保存協議會
- 정구복, "韓國 族契의 淵源과 性格", 古文書硏究, 16, pp.127~152 (2000), 韓國古文書學會
- 정진영, "조선후기 호적대장 '호(戶)'의 편제(編制) 양상 - 『제주 대정현 하모슬리 호적중초』(1843-1907)의 분석 -", 역사와 현실, (45), pp.227~262 (2002), 한국역사연구회
- 정진영, "향촌사회에서 본 조선후기 신분과 신분변화", 역사와 현실, (48), pp.53~80 (2003), 한국역사연구회
- 朝鮮通信社, "族譜", 朝鮮通信, (1230) (1930)
- 足立啓二, "封建社會と專制國家の發展, In 專制國家史論-中國史から世界史へ" (1998), 柏書房
- 池田溫, "中國古代籍帳硏究" (1979), 東京大 東洋文化硏究所
- 호적대장연구팀, "단성호적대장연구" (2003), 대동문화연구원
- "經國大典", ~