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북한의 핵 미사일 위협에 대한 일본의 군사 외교적 대응

Japan’s Response to Nuclear North Korea

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In response to nuclear-armed North Korea, Japan has taken extensive non-nuclear military measures in order to cope with the North Korean threat while being less active in using diplomacy. Analysts estimate that North Korea had possessed 33 to 55 kilograms of plutonium enough for 6 to 13 nuclear devices. Two nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009 proved that North Korea had successfully produced nuclear devices. The only remaining missing link in determining whether North Korea’s nuclear weapons have become usable is in the issue of miniaturization. On this point, the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency(DIA) assessed in 2009 that North Korea “may be able to successfully mate a nuclear warhead to a ballistic missile.”Capable of covering almost the entire territory of Japan, the medium-range No Dong missile constitutes the most serious threat to the country. The No Dong has a range of 1,300 kilometers with a payload of 700 to 1,200 kilograms and circular error probable(CEP) of 2.5 kilometers. By 2003, North Korea had deployed some 175∼200 No Dong missiles. A more recent report stated that as many as 320 No Dong missiles had been deployed. As a result, North Korea is already capable of attacking Japan with ballistic missiles. Conventional, chemical, or biological weapons can be used. Given the DIA’s estimate of North Korea’s ability to miniaturize the nuclear device, the assessment is that North Korea “may be able to” now use nuclear weapons against Japan. There are three scenarios in which North Korea might actually use missiles against Japan. First, there is a military-diplomatic scenario in which North Korea would launch missiles as a part of its effort to coerce Japan into diplomatic submission. Second, there is a wartime deterrence scenario in which North Korea would use or threaten to attack Japan in order to deter the United States and Japan from assisting South Korea in case of war on the Korean peninsula. Finally, there is a scenario in which desperate North Korean leaders launch all-out attacks against Japan. Japan’s military response to the North Korean threat has three pillars: ballistic missile defense(BMD), civil defense, and extended nuclear deterrence provided by the United States. In 2003, the Japanese government made the decision to procure BMD systems. Based on this decision, deployment of BMD units in the Self-Defense Forces(SDF) began in 2007, and the deployment was completed in 2012. Two different systems are being introduced as key components of the Japanese BMD measures. One is the Standard Missile-3(SM-3) Block IA, an upper-tier, mid-course defense system deployed on Aegis destroyers. The other system is Patriot Advanced Capabilities-3(PAC-3), a ground-based, lower-tier, terminal-phase defense system. Of these two systems, the Aegis-based SM-3 is more important than PAC-3 in the sense that the SM-3 has much wider area coverage. The total expenditure of procuring the entire system is approximately 1 trillion yen, or $12.2 billion. Regarding civil defense measures, the Civil Protection Law was enacted in 2004. It stipulated how the national and local governments should implement evacuation and relief operations and take necessary measures in response to armed attacks. In 2005, the Cabinet Secretariat prepared a new warning siren designed specifically for civil defense purposes. Japan has taken steps to maintain and possibly enhance the credibility of U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. The Nuclear Posture Review(NPR) published by the Department of Defense in April 2010, however, announced that the Tomahawk, nuclear-equipped, sea-launched cruise missile(TLAM-N) would be retired. Some Japanese government officials felt betrayed by this since the TLAM-N had long been hailed as the centerpiece of the U.S. extended nuclear deterrent provided to Japan. One of the basic assumptions in Japan’s diplomatic approach to North Korea is that the country’s most important policy objective is regime survival by way of defying military/diplomatic pressure from outside, normalizing relations with the United States and Japan, and obtaining economic assistance from the outside. In this context, Japan offered normalization of bilateral relations and provision of significant economic assistance in the September 2002 Pyongyang Declaration on the condition that North Korea properly addressed nuclear as well as other issues of Japanese concern. When North Korea informed Tokyo that many of the Japanese abductees had died and presented fake death certificates, however, the Japanese general public was outraged. Since then, the abduction issue has become a big political issue and the Japanese government has had no alternative but to take a tough position toward the North.

Abstract

In response to nuclear-armed North Korea, Japan has taken extensive non-nuclear military measures in order to cope with the North Korean threat while being less active in using diplomacy. Analysts estimate that North Korea had possessed 33 to 55 kilograms of plutonium enough for 6 to 13 nuclear devices. Two nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009 proved that North Korea had successfully produced nuclear devices. The only remaining missing link in determining whether North Korea’s nuclear weapons have become usable is in the issue of miniaturization. On this point, the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency(DIA) assessed in 2009 that North Korea “may be able to successfully mate a nuclear warhead to a ballistic missile.”Capable of covering almost the entire territory of Japan, the medium-range No Dong missile constitutes the most serious threat to the country. The No Dong has a range of 1,300 kilometers with a payload of 700 to 1,200 kilograms and circular error probable(CEP) of 2.5 kilometers. By 2003, North Korea had deployed some 175∼200 No Dong missiles. A more recent report stated that as many as 320 No Dong missiles had been deployed. As a result, North Korea is already capable of attacking Japan with ballistic missiles. Conventional, chemical, or biological weapons can be used. Given the DIA’s estimate of North Korea’s ability to miniaturize the nuclear device, the assessment is that North Korea “may be able to” now use nuclear weapons against Japan. There are three scenarios in which North Korea might actually use missiles against Japan. First, there is a military-diplomatic scenario in which North Korea would launch missiles as a part of its effort to coerce Japan into diplomatic submission. Second, there is a wartime deterrence scenario in which North Korea would use or threaten to attack Japan in order to deter the United States and Japan from assisting South Korea in case of war on the Korean peninsula. Finally, there is a scenario in which desperate North Korean leaders launch all-out attacks against Japan. Japan’s military response to the North Korean threat has three pillars: ballistic missile defense(BMD), civil defense, and extended nuclear deterrence provided by the United States. In 2003, the Japanese government made the decision to procure BMD systems. Based on this decision, deployment of BMD units in the Self-Defense Forces(SDF) began in 2007, and the deployment was completed in 2012. Two different systems are being introduced as key components of the Japanese BMD measures. One is the Standard Missile-3(SM-3) Block IA, an upper-tier, mid-course defense system deployed on Aegis destroyers. The other system is Patriot Advanced Capabilities-3(PAC-3), a ground-based, lower-tier, terminal-phase defense system. Of these two systems, the Aegis-based SM-3 is more important than PAC-3 in the sense that the SM-3 has much wider area coverage. The total expenditure of procuring the entire system is approximately 1 trillion yen, or $12.2 billion. Regarding civil defense measures, the Civil Protection Law was enacted in 2004. It stipulated how the national and local governments should implement evacuation and relief operations and take necessary measures in response to armed attacks. In 2005, the Cabinet Secretariat prepared a new warning siren designed specifically for civil defense purposes. Japan has taken steps to maintain and possibly enhance the credibility of U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. The Nuclear Posture Review(NPR) published by the Department of Defense in April 2010, however, announced that the Tomahawk, nuclear-equipped, sea-launched cruise missile(TLAM-N) would be retired. Some Japanese government officials felt betrayed by this since the TLAM-N had long been hailed as the centerpiece of the U.S. extended nuclear deterrent provided to Japan. One of the basic assumptions in Japan’s diplomatic approach to North Korea is that the country’s most important policy objective is regime survival by way of defying military/diplomatic pressure from outside, normalizing relations with the United States and Japan, and obtaining economic assistance from the outside. In this context, Japan offered normalization of bilateral relations and provision of significant economic assistance in the September 2002 Pyongyang Declaration on the condition that North Korea properly addressed nuclear as well as other issues of Japanese concern. When North Korea informed Tokyo that many of the Japanese abductees had died and presented fake death certificates, however, the Japanese general public was outraged. Since then, the abduction issue has become a big political issue and the Japanese government has had no alternative but to take a tough position toward the North.

참고문헌 (35)

  1. Unclassified Report to Congress on Nuclear and Missile Programs of North Korea, "Office of the Director of National Intelligence", ~ (2007)
  2. North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons: Technical Issues, CRS Report, "Mary Beth Nikitin", 5~ (2011)
  3. The North Korean Plutonium Stock, February 2007, "David Albright", Institute for Science and International Security, ~ (2007)
  4. Siegfried S. Hecker, "Lessons learned from the North Korean nuclear crises", pp.55~ (2010), Dædalus
  5. Report of Visit to the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea(DPRK), "Siegfried S. Hecker", Pyongyang and the Nuclear Center at Yongbyon, ~ (2008)
  6. Report on North Korean Nuclear Program, "Siegfried S. Hecker", Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford University, 3~ (2006)
  7. Defense Intelligence Agency, "Annual Threat Assessment", Statement before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, 26~ (2009)
  8. Ronald L. Burgess, Jr, "Dokusen! Kita-misairu Chakudan ‘Zen Deta’ (Scoop! The North’s Missile Impacts ‘Perfect Data’)", Yomiuri Weekly, 65(34), pp.22~23 (2006)
  9. Ministry of Defense, "Defense of Japan 2007", pp.38~39 (2007), Inter Group
  10. "중앙일보", ~ (2009)
  11. Remarks by Shigeru Ishiba, "Minister of State for Defense, in the Committee on Budget", 156th House of Councillors (2003)
  12. International Crisis Group, "North Korea’s Missile Launch: The Risks of Overreaction", Policy Briefing, Asia Briefing, (91), pp.5~ (2009)
  13. "조선일보", ~ (2007)
  14. Joseph S. Bermudez, Jr, "Moving Missiles", Jane’s Defence Weekly, 23~ (2005)
  15. Ministry of Defense, "Japan’s BMD", ~ (2009)
  16. Ministry of Defense, "Dandou Misairu Bouei(BMD)", 13~ (2007)
  17. "Defense Programs and Budget of Japan: Overview of FY2012 Budget"[URL]
  18. Kyuuko Satomi, "Nihon-no Misairu Bouei Seisaku-no Genkyou(The Current Status of Japan’s Missile Defense Policy)", Issue Brief(National Diet Library), (643), pp.7~ (2009)
  19. "Dandou Misairu Bouei-ni Tsuite(On BMD)"[URL]
  20. "Civil Protection Portal Site"[URL]
  21. "Kyodo News", ~ (2009)
  22. "Kyoudou Tsuushin", ~ (2009)
  23. The Final Report of the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States, "America’s Strategic Posture", United States Institute of Peace, 26~ (2009)
  24. Nuclear Posture Review, "US Department of Defense", 28~ (2010)
  25. "Masakatsu Ota, phone interview by author" (2010), Tokyo
  26. Nuclear Posture Review, "US Department of Defense", 28~ (2010)
  27. "Press Conference by Minister for Foreign Affairs Katsuya Okada" (2010)[URL]
  28. Michael Yoo, "War Simulation: Kitachousen-ga Bouhatsu-suru Hi(The Day North Korea Lashes Out)", pp.106~107 (2009), Shinchousha
  29. 「안전보장과 방위력에 관한 간담회」 보고서 ―미래에의 안전보장・방위력 비전, "保障", 28~ (2004)
  30. The Council on Security and Defense Capabilities Report, "The Council on Security and Defense Capabilities", 40~ (2009)
  31. "Dealing with Ballistic Missile Threat: Whether Japan Should Have a Strike Capability under its Exclusively Defense-Oriented Policy" (2006)[URL]
  32. "Prime Minister of Japan, at the Sixty-Fourth Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations" (2009)[URL]
  33. "Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda to the 178th Session of the Diet" (2011)[URL]

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