Scrambling과 정보구조

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to examine the so called “scrambling phenomenon” in Korean and Japanese and the “topicalization” in Spanish. In the case of scrambling in Korean, we showed the general characteristics of long-distance scrambling: forced reconstruction effect, absence of adjunct scrambling, absence of weak island effects, and anti-freezing effect. In order to explain these facts of scrambling, we have argued, first, that scrambling is not an optional movement, but a feature-checking movement, consistent with Last Resort principle. Second, long-distance scrambling is focus-driven movement (cf. Miyagawa:1997, 2001). Third, scrambling is the case of resumptive chains (Move under Match, in the absence of Agree): symmetry between scrambling and resumption(cf. Boeckx:2003). Finally, we proposed that topicalization in Spanish can be considered to be the same case of scrambling, because there are syntactic similarities between topicalization in Spanish and scrambling in Korean, such as strong island-sensitive operation, weak island- insensitive movement, clitic doubling phenomenon (in favor of resumptive chain) and the absence of adjunct(adverb) movement. We assumed that resumptive chains are formally similar to instances of clitic doubling in topicalization. So, noticing the clitic-doubling phenomena in topicalization in Spanish, we consider scrambling as the same type of clitic doubling. Scrambling, as the clitic doubling construction in Spanish, forms a resumptive-chain(Boeckx:2003). Topicalization in English and Wh-movement are feature-checking movement by Agree, but Scrambling in Korean and Topicalization in Spanish are [Foc/Top] feature checking movement by Match+Move without Agree.