스페인어와 한국어의 양보 구문 대조 분석
A Contrastive Analysis of Concessive Constructions in Spanish and Korean
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In this work we approach the concessive constructions of both languages from diverse perspectives: formal, categorial, cognitive and empirical. Regarding concessive markers, while Spanish has conjunctions or conjunctive phrases such as aunque, a pesar de (que), pese a (que), (aun) así, (aun) cuando, si bien, incluso si, y eso que, etc., Korean uses verb endings such as –ado∕-eodo, -deorado, -(eu)rjirado, -(eu)ndeul, -(eu)rmangjeong, -(eu)rjieonjeong, etc. Consecutively, their respective constructions require quite different categorial components and a contrastive analysis is extremely complex. Yet if cognitive criteria are applied, it seems possible to explain what is commonly expressed through concessive constructions. The first type of concessive construction denies expectations and objectively or subjectively describes a given situation, like in “Aunque tengo dinero, no compraré un coche.” The second type exaggerates prepositive conditions and focuses on the given situation, like in “Digan lo que digan, pienso hacer ese viaje.” However, the cognitive equivalence of both languages is not always observed in an empirical analysis based on a parallel corpus. This shows that there are contextual factors that condition the interpretations of concrete constructions as concessive in respective languages.
Abstract
In this work we approach the concessive constructions of both languages from diverse perspectives: formal, categorial, cognitive and empirical. Regarding concessive markers, while Spanish has conjunctions or conjunctive phrases such as aunque, a pesar de (que), pese a (que), (aun) así, (aun) cuando, si bien, incluso si, y eso que, etc., Korean uses verb endings such as –ado∕-eodo, -deorado, -(eu)rjirado, -(eu)ndeul, -(eu)rmangjeong, -(eu)rjieonjeong, etc. Consecutively, their respective constructions require quite different categorial components and a contrastive analysis is extremely complex. Yet if cognitive criteria are applied, it seems possible to explain what is commonly expressed through concessive constructions. The first type of concessive construction denies expectations and objectively or subjectively describes a given situation, like in “Aunque tengo dinero, no compraré un coche.” The second type exaggerates prepositive conditions and focuses on the given situation, like in “Digan lo que digan, pienso hacer ese viaje.” However, the cognitive equivalence of both languages is not always observed in an empirical analysis based on a parallel corpus. This shows that there are contextual factors that condition the interpretations of concrete constructions as concessive in respective languages.
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