사회적 약자의 담론적 실천과 윤리교육적적용에 대한 비판적 평가
A Critical Appraisal of The Second-Class’s Discursive Practice and Practice of Ethics Education
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본 연구에서는 사회적 약자나 서발턴의 입장에서, 보다 구체적으로는 비판적 윤리교육의 입장에서 교육에서의 지배 이데올로기와 헤게모니, 권력을 지양하고 사회적 약자의 세상읽기와 실천을 위한 윤리교육적 방향을 모색해 보고자 한다. 보다 비판적 교육, 비판적 윤리교육을 위한 사상의 재구성과 확장을 위한 시도를 살펴보되 지배적 담론과 헤게모니 그리고 권력에 대항하고 투쟁하는 사회적 약자, 소수자를 위한 비판적 윤리교육의 방향성을 하버마스와 프랑크푸르트학파의 비판이론적 패러다임, 그람시적 패러다임, 푸코의 탈구조주의적 패러다임 등으로 모색해 보고, 윤리교육적 적용상에 나타날 수 있는 문제점을 비판적으로 조명하고자 하였다.
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to hear second class or subaltern 's voice in discursive practice and practice of ethics education. Second class or subaltern that commonly refers to persons who are socially, politically and geographically outside of the hegemonic power structure. Do they have the ability to politically and culturally represent themselves (to ‘speak’ for themselves)? If not, who has the agency to speak for them?This article explores Habermas, Grmasci and Foucault's educational direction. It suggests that an appropriate pedagogical model for second class or subaltern 's voice. First, I explore the potential for viewing education as an “unrestricted communication community” and " veil of ignorance". And my main target is the Habermas and Rawls's concept of transparent and fully communicational situations. Both of them are idealization intended to make vivid to us the ideal of impartiality. But their discursive practice is not realistic for second class or subaltern 's voice. But Habermas makes the assumption that it is possible for all speakers to come to agreement on which rules are universally valid for language games. Second, Gramsci's theory of hegemony holds that cultural domination is not achieved by force or coercion, but is secured through the consent of those it will ultimately subordinate. Gramsci , Williams and Hall continually remind us that ideological hegemony is not something that resides merely at the top of our heads. Instead, hegemony is constituted by our very day to day practices. It is our whole assemblage of commonsense meanings and actions that make up the social world as we know it, a world in which the internal curricular, teaching, and evaluative characteristics of educational institutions partake. Third, from a Foucauldian perspective, it seeks to show, not what education is but, how it operates in concrete and historical frameworks, in the sense of the actual processes, techniques,and effects which come into play when some individuals teach, or are taught by, others. Foucault challenges the idea that power is wielded by people or groups by way of ‘episodic’ or ‘sovereign’ acts of domination or coercion, seeing it instead as dispersed and pervasive. ‘Power is everywhere’ and ‘comes from everywhere’ so in this sense is neither an agency nor a structure. What kinds of power relations govern the process, what bodies of knowledge are called into being, which different institutions are involved, what forms do the interactions take, and what effects do they have? Questions such as these, as well as the initial findings of this project, will help in addressing more concrete future applications of Foucault's work to education. Finnally, it was argued that Habermas, Gramsci and Focault's communitive teaching/learning could be the model for second class or subaltern 's voice in certain limitation. Specifically, I considered whether or not their approach limits the exercise of educational discursive practice, and the extent to which their approach takes into account the intersection between the subjective and second class in the discursive classroom.
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