現代漢語“越X，越Y”構式中形容詞詞彙語義制約條件研究
The Lexical Semantic Constraints on the Adjectives of "yue X, yue Y" Construction in Mandarin Chinese
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爲探索現代漢語句法-語義之間的界面關系，本文根據構式意義和詞彙意義互動的理論，以定性分析和定量統計，語義分析結合形式標准的方法，在參考北京大學漢語語言學研究中心現代漢語CCL語料庫、北京語言大學BCC現代漢語語料庫、百度網等大量用例的基礎上，從形容詞的量性特征著手，考察了《漢語形容詞用法詞典》1335個形容詞，探究倚變關聯句“越X，越Y”構式中“越”後形容詞成分的詞彙語義制約條件。主要得出以下結論： 形容詞的性質程度量的量幅大小是制約形容詞充當“越”後成分的主要因素。形容詞性狀程度量的量幅在形式上表現爲和不同量級程度副詞結合的能力，可以通過可修飾一個形容詞的最大量級的程度副詞的量級來判斷。 本文從常用程度、感情色彩、語體和音節限制等方面綜合考慮，選取了程度副詞序列“太、極、非常、很、有（一）點”，將《漢語形容詞用法詞典》中的1335個形容詞詞項全部分別與該序列中的程度副詞以及“越X，越Y”構式進行匹配實驗，考察形容詞量幅大小與其充當“越”後成分之間的關系。定量統計的數據顯示，形容詞的量幅越小，充當“越”後成分的能力就越弱。至少能被“太”、“極”和“非常”中的一個程度副詞修飾，即量幅達到高量級是形容詞能夠充當“越”後成分的必要條件。除“垂危”外，最多能被“很”或“有（一）點”修飾的形容詞和不能被程度副詞序列修飾的形容詞，都無法充當“越”後成分。 此外，形容詞否定式充當“越”後成分的前提是形容詞可以被“不”否定，但能被“不”否定的形容詞當中，其否定式充當“越”後成分的能力仍然要受到否定式性狀程度量量幅的影響，其中量幅較大的“”相反性狀“類形容詞否定式可以進入”越X，越Y”構式，而不具備量幅伸縮性的“未達標”類形容詞否定式不能充當“越”後成分。
Abstract
Based on the theory of the interaction between construction meaning and lexical meaning, this paper makes a full exploration on the semantic features of adjectives behind "yue" and the correlative lexical semantic constraints on "yue X, yue Y" construction through an authentic investigation of 1335 Mandarin Chinese adjectives with proofs from CCL corpus, BCC corpus and Baidu website. From a perspective of the quantitative property of adjectives, it is explored that the constraints on lexical semantic features of adjectives behind "yue" with methods of semantic analysis and formal standards, and this research is validated by quantitative statistics. The compatibility between the lexical semantic features of the adjectives and the construction meaning is investigated in order to reveal the relationship between syntactic realization and lexical semantic projection of predicates on basis of linguistic facts. After research, it is found that the most important factor influencing Mandarin Chinese adjectives to occur in "yue X, yue Y" construction is their quantitative range---both adjectives with no quantitative range or small quantitative range can not be applied as predicates behind "yue" and almost all adjectives with relatively large quantitative range can serve as predicates behind "yue". As for negative forms of adjectives behind "yue", the same rule works so that the negetive forms of adjectives with large quantitative range can occur in "yue X, yue Y" construction, whereas those with no flexible quantitative range can not. This paper will not only help to improve and enrich the research of "yue X, yue Y" construction, but also gives a considerable insight on syntax-semantics interface of Mandarin Chinese through reliable statistical data of linguistic proofs.
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