石室墓 造營을 통해 본 渤海의 北方 經營
Balhae's administration of its Northern Territory-as seen through the distribution of Mounded Stone Chamber Tombs
0
조회
0
다운로드
11
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
This paper takes note of the fact that stone chamber tombs, the main burial style of Balhae, is widely distributed in the Heilongjiang province area, and examines Balhae’s territorial expansion northward to this area. The dominant burial style of the 2nd Songhua river area, where the Malgal people resided, and the Russian Maritime Provinces, where the Heuksumalgal people resided, is the earthen pit tomb and these tombs are densely distributed in this area, whereas the stone chamber tomb, the main burial style of Balhae, is found densely distributed in the central area of Balhae, beginning with the Yukjeongsan tumuli, the area where the Balhae state was founded. The chronological dating of the tombs also shows that the earthen pit tomb, the main burial style of the Malgal people, was actively constructed before the foundation of Balhae and the stone chamber tomb began to be constructed beginning with the founding of Balhae. This disproves existing theories that Balhae was a state founded by the Malgal people and that Balhae’s burial style changed over time from earthen pit tombs to stone chamber tombs. Stone chamber tombs are also densely distributed in the Sanggyeong area, where Balhae’s capital was located. Theories concerning the date of construction of these tombs can be categorized into three: 1)from the founding of the state to before the move of the capital to Sanggyeong, 2)between the move of the capital from Sanggyeong to before the move of the capital to Donggyeong and 3)after the return of the capital to Sanggyeong. But concerning the construction of stone chamber tombs in the Heilongjiang province area, the period worthy of notice is the period before the move of the capital to Sanggyeong. Because the Heuksemalgal, a powerful enemy to the north, who allied with and betrayed Balhae according to changing situations, was a heavy burden to Balhae and Balhae had to be on guard at all times. Balhae inhabited this area for approximately 30 years from the move of the capital to Sanggyeong in 755 until the relocation of the capital to Donggyeong in 785. In order for Balhae to relocate the capital to the Sanggyeong area, defences had to be erected not only for the central Sanggyeong area itself but also against the Heuksumalgal. Therefore the construction of stone chamber tombs in the Heilong jiang province area can be dated to the time around the relocation of the capital to the Sanggyeong area, and the construction of stone chamber tombs north of the Sanggyeong area can be dated to the period before the move of the capital to that area. The stone chamber tomb, which was a Koguryo influence, was a distinguishing feature of Balhae burials, and the fact that there are dense concentrations of stone chamber tombs in newly occupied territory means that there was a great(significant) influx of stone chamber tomb builders to this area in large numbers. This means that Balhae’s administration reached this area to the extent that large numbers of stone chamber tombs were able to be built and that this area was directly (ruled)administered by the Balhae government.
Abstract
This paper takes note of the fact that stone chamber tombs, the main burial style of Balhae, is widely distributed in the Heilongjiang province area, and examines Balhae’s territorial expansion northward to this area. The dominant burial style of the 2nd Songhua river area, where the Malgal people resided, and the Russian Maritime Provinces, where the Heuksumalgal people resided, is the earthen pit tomb and these tombs are densely distributed in this area, whereas the stone chamber tomb, the main burial style of Balhae, is found densely distributed in the central area of Balhae, beginning with the Yukjeongsan tumuli, the area where the Balhae state was founded. The chronological dating of the tombs also shows that the earthen pit tomb, the main burial style of the Malgal people, was actively constructed before the foundation of Balhae and the stone chamber tomb began to be constructed beginning with the founding of Balhae. This disproves existing theories that Balhae was a state founded by the Malgal people and that Balhae’s burial style changed over time from earthen pit tombs to stone chamber tombs. Stone chamber tombs are also densely distributed in the Sanggyeong area, where Balhae’s capital was located. Theories concerning the date of construction of these tombs can be categorized into three: 1)from the founding of the state to before the move of the capital to Sanggyeong, 2)between the move of the capital from Sanggyeong to before the move of the capital to Donggyeong and 3)after the return of the capital to Sanggyeong. But concerning the construction of stone chamber tombs in the Heilongjiang province area, the period worthy of notice is the period before the move of the capital to Sanggyeong. Because the Heuksemalgal, a powerful enemy to the north, who allied with and betrayed Balhae according to changing situations, was a heavy burden to Balhae and Balhae had to be on guard at all times. Balhae inhabited this area for approximately 30 years from the move of the capital to Sanggyeong in 755 until the relocation of the capital to Donggyeong in 785. In order for Balhae to relocate the capital to the Sanggyeong area, defences had to be erected not only for the central Sanggyeong area itself but also against the Heuksumalgal. Therefore the construction of stone chamber tombs in the Heilong jiang province area can be dated to the time around the relocation of the capital to the Sanggyeong area, and the construction of stone chamber tombs north of the Sanggyeong area can be dated to the period before the move of the capital to that area. The stone chamber tomb, which was a Koguryo influence, was a distinguishing feature of Balhae burials, and the fact that there are dense concentrations of stone chamber tombs in newly occupied territory means that there was a great(significant) influx of stone chamber tomb builders to this area in large numbers. This means that Balhae’s administration reached this area to the extent that large numbers of stone chamber tombs were able to be built and that this area was directly (ruled)administered by the Balhae government.
참고문헌 (74)
- 松井等, "渤海の疆域, In 滿鮮地理歷史硏究報告』1" (1913), 東京築地活版製造所
- 손영종, "발해의서변에 대하여 2, In 력사과학 2" (1980), 과학백과사전출판사
- 孫進己, "渤海疆域考, In 北方論叢 4" (1982), 北方論叢編輯部
- 王承禮, "渤海的疆域和地理, In 黑龍江文物叢刊 4" (1983), 黑龍江省文物出版社
- 魏國忠, "渤海疆域變遷考略, In 求是學刊 6" (1984)
- "高句麗渤海硏究集成" (1997), 哈爾濱出版社
- 日野開三, "小高句麗國の硏究, In 東洋史學論集 8" (1984), 三一書房
- 魏國忠, "渤海王國占有遼東考, In 龍江史苑 2" (1985)
- 陳顯昌, "渤海國的疆域, In 學習與探索 2" (1985), 吉林人民出版社
- 채태형, "료동반도는 발해국의 령토, In 력사과학 1" (1992), 사회과학출판사
- 孫進己, "渤海國的疆域與都城, In 東北民族 硏究 1" (1994), 中州古籍出版社
- 방학봉, "발해의 강역과 행정제도에 관한 연구" (1996), 연변대학출판사
- 宋基豪, "渤海의 盛衰와 疆域", 白山學報, 47 (1997), 白山學會
- 趙二玉, "新羅와 渤海의 國境問題", 白山學報, 52 (1999), 白山學會
- 東潮, "渤海墓制と領域", 朝鮮學報, 106(107) (2000), 朝鮮學會
- 金鎭光, "8世紀 渤海의 遼東進出 2" (2002), 學硏文化社
- 李美子, "渤海の遼東地域の領有問題をめぐって", 史淵, 140 (2003), 九州大學人文學硏究院
- 한규철, "渤海國의 서쪽 邊境에 관한 연구", 역사와경계, (47), pp.73~96 (2003), 부산경남사학회
- 金鎭光, "발해 건국초기의 강역-營州道를 중심으로, In 先史와 古代』21" (2004), 韓國古代學會
- 陳顯昌, "唐代渤海國政治的發展, In 黑龍江文物叢刊 3", pp.45~ (1982), 黑龍江文物出版社
- 孫玉良, "渤海高王大祚榮, In 東北歷史人物傳記古代" (1986), 吉林文史出版社
- "高句麗渤海硏究集成 渤海卷2,", 184~ (1997)
- 王承禮, "渤海的歷史與文化", pp.130~ (1991), 延邊人民出版社
- 孫進己, "渤海國的疆域與都城, In 東北民族硏究 1" (1994), 中州古籍出版社
- 盧泰敦, "高句麗遺民史硏究-遼東, 唐內地및 突厥方面의 集團을 中心으로, In 韓퉜劤博士停年紀 念史學論叢", pp.88~90 (1981), 지식산업사
- 日野開三郞, "小高句麗國の硏究, In 東洋史學論集』8", pp.418~419 (1984), 三一書房
- 장국종, "발해의‘고려후국’의 존립과 그 수도에 대하여, In 자주독립국 발해", pp.137~152 (2000), 천지출판
- 魏國忠, "渤海王國占有遼東考, In 龍江史苑』2", pp.360~ (1985), 高句麗渤海硏究集成
- 金鎭光, "8世紀 渤海의 遼東進出, In 三國時代硏究 2", pp.178~ (2002), 學硏文化社
- 韓圭哲, "渤海國의서쪽 邊境에 관한 硏究, In 역사와 경계 47", 부산경남사학회, 85~ (2003)
- 金鎭光, "8世紀 渤海의 遼東進出, In 三國時代硏究 2" (2002), 學硏文化社
- 朱榮憲, "渤海文化" (1971), 朝鮮社會科學出版社
- 孫秀仁, "略論海林山嘴子渤海墓的刑制傳統和文物特徵, In 中國考古學會第一次年會論文集" (1979), 文物出版社
- 李殿福, "從考古學上看唐代渤海文化, In 學習與探索 1" (1981)
- 魏存成, "渤海王室貴族墓, In 中國考古學會第三次年會論文集" (1984), 文物出版社
- 鄭永振, "渤海墓葬硏究", 黑龍江文物叢刊, 2 (1984)
- 魏存成, "高句麗渤海文化之其關係", 吉林大學學報, 4 (1989)
- 譚英杰, "靺鞨故地上的探索-試論黑水靺 鞨與粟末靺鞨物質文化的區別", 北方文物, 2 (1990)
- 孫秉根, "渤海墓葬的類型與分期" (1994), 科學出版社
- 劉曉東, "渤海墓葬的類型與演變", 北方文物, 2 (1996)
- 金太順, "渤海墓葬硏究中的幾個問題", 考古, 2 (1997)
- 魏存成, "第二松花江中游地區的靺鞨渤海墓葬", 北方文物, 1 (1998)
- 魏存成, "東北古代民族 考古與疆域·渤海考古", 吉林大學出社 (1998)
- 朱國, "渤海遺迹" (2002), 文物出版社
- 孫秉根, "渤海墓葬的分類和分期, In 漢唐與邊疆考古硏究" (1994), 社會科學出版社
- 李强, "勿吉與渤海”塚上作屋”初識", 高句麗硏究, 26, pp.205~206 (2007), 고구려연구회
- 주영헌, "발해문화" (1971), 조선사회과학출판사
- 김종혁, "동해안일대 발해유적의 고구려적 성격에 대하여", 조선고고연구, 4 (1997)
- 장철만, "발해 고분의 고구려적 성격에 대하여", 조선고고연구, 4 (1998)
- 宋基豪, "六頂山 古墳群의 성격과 발해 건국집단, In 汕耘史學 8" (1998), 고려학술문화재단
- 姜仁求, "韓半島의 古墳", pp.33~ (1999), 아르케
- 韓圭哲, "古墳文化를 통해 본 渤海國", 國史館論叢, 85, pp.174~ (1999)
- 정영진, "고분으로 본 발해 문화의 성격", 동북아역사재단, pp.42~69 (2006)
- 孫秀仁, "略論海林山嘴子渤海墓葬的刑制, 傳統和文物特徵, In 中國考古學會第1次年會論文集" (1979), 文物出版社
- 李殿福, "從考古學上看唐代渤海文化", 學習與探索, 4 (1981)
- 魏存成, "渤海王室貴族墓葬" (1981), 文物出版社
- 鄭永振, "渤海墓葬硏究", 黑龍江文物叢刊, 2 (1984)
- 王俠, "貞惠公主墓與貞孝公主墓" (1985), 學習與探索雜誌社
- 譚英杰, "黑龍江區域考古學 제4장", pp.79~80 (1991), 中國社會科學出版社
- 劉曉東, "渤海墓葬的類型與演變, In 北方文物 第2期", pp.32~34 (1996), 北方文物雜誌社
- 孫秉根, "渤海墓葬的分類和分期, In 漢唐與邊疆考古硏究" (1994), 社會科學出版社
- 金太順, "渤海墓葬硏究中的幾個問題", 考古, 2, pp.25~27 (1997)
- 李屬, "渤海墓葬類型演變再檢討, In 北方文物 1期", pp.36~38 (2005), 北方文物雜誌社
- 李雲鐸, "朝鮮考古學槪要, In 黑龍江文物叢刊" (1983), 雜誌社
- 朱榮憲, "渤海文化" (1971), 朝鮮社會科學出版社
- 宋基豪, "六頂山 古墳群의 성격과 발해 건국집단", 汕耘史學, 8, pp.31~ (1998), 고려학술문화재단
- 韓圭哲, "古墳文化를 통해 본 渤海國", 國史館論叢, 85, pp.161~162 (1999)
- 黑龍江省文物考古硏究所, "黑龍江省海林北站渤海墓試掘", 北方文物, 1 (1987)
- 黑龍江省文物考古硏究所, "黑龍江省海林市羊草溝墓地的發掘", 北方文物, ~ (1987)
- 黑龍江省文物考古硏究所, "黑龍江省寧安市東蓮花村渤海墓葬, In 北方文物 2" (2003), 北方文物
- 中國社會科學院考古硏究所, "六頂山與渤海鎭" (1997), 中國大百科全書出版社
- 魏存成, "渤海考古文化的基本特徵及其生産和發展, 渤海史學術討論會論文集, In 高句麗 渤海硏究集成 3", pp.62~ (1997), 하얼빈출판사
- 金太順, "渤海墓葬硏究中的幾個問題", 考古, 2, pp.23~27 (1997)
- 장철만, "동해안일대의 발해무덤에 대하여", 조선고고연구, 1 (1997)
