술어비일치 주격에 대하여: 고대러시아어 및 북부러시아방언의 비일치 주격을 중심으로
Non-agreeing Nominatives in Old Russian and Contemporary North Russian
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This paper investigates licensing of the nominative case without accompanying predicate-agreement with the nominative DP in many languages, including Old Russian and Contemporary North Russian. I have examined morphological approaches, such as Disjunctive Case Hierarchy and Default Case, as well as syntactic analyses, centering on AGREE, to determine which solution more adequately explains the current data and the case system in general. The phenomenon of non-agreeing nominatives is more effectively accounted for in syntactic terms than morphologically. I argue that the non-finite Infl consists of a defective T and an intact AGR, the latter of which contains the nominative case and phi-features. When an AGREE relation is established between a non-finite Infl and a DP, phi-agreement is not morphologically realized on the predicate due to the absence of [+Tense], but the nominative case of the AGR is licensed to the DP. For the double nominative finite construction, the Infl enters the AGREE relation with two DPs (Multiple Agree). The Infl realizes phi-features of only one of the DPs while the nominative case is licensed to the both DPs. This proposal identifies PRO as pro, removing the control theory from the syntax. Given that the PRO is in fact pro, the problem of predicting overt nominatives in non-finite clauses is essentially reduced to an economy principle that balances the need of argument identification and the relative cost of argument realization.
Abstract
This paper investigates licensing of the nominative case without accompanying predicate-agreement with the nominative DP in many languages, including Old Russian and Contemporary North Russian. I have examined morphological approaches, such as Disjunctive Case Hierarchy and Default Case, as well as syntactic analyses, centering on AGREE, to determine which solution more adequately explains the current data and the case system in general. The phenomenon of non-agreeing nominatives is more effectively accounted for in syntactic terms than morphologically. I argue that the non-finite Infl consists of a defective T and an intact AGR, the latter of which contains the nominative case and phi-features. When an AGREE relation is established between a non-finite Infl and a DP, phi-agreement is not morphologically realized on the predicate due to the absence of [+Tense], but the nominative case of the AGR is licensed to the DP. For the double nominative finite construction, the Infl enters the AGREE relation with two DPs (Multiple Agree). The Infl realizes phi-features of only one of the DPs while the nominative case is licensed to the both DPs. This proposal identifies PRO as pro, removing the control theory from the syntax. Given that the PRO is in fact pro, the problem of predicting overt nominatives in non-finite clauses is essentially reduced to an economy principle that balances the need of argument identification and the relative cost of argument realization.
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