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고대노브고로드 방언 영주어 체계와 인칭 자질

Null Subjects and Person feature in the Old Novgorodian Dialect

정하경
한국러시아문학회 (The Korean Association Of Rusists)|2015.05|러시아어문학연구논집 (Russian Language and Literature)|제49호|pp. 193-228|DOI 10.24066/russia.2015..49.008

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참고문헌

키워드

영주어EPP고대러시아어Old RussianAUXV-to-T movement동사의 시제핵 이동고대노브고로드 방언인칭 자질 대립일치의 주어 기능완료조동사Null subjectPerson-splitAgreement as subjectOld Novgorodian dialect
주제분류러시아어와문학

초록

This paper investigates the null subject system of Old Novgorodian dialects (OND), as reflected in Novgorod birch bark letters. The data shows that l-past AUX and overt subjects are complementarily distributed in the 1st/2nd person, while the use of null subjects is prevalent in the 3rd person. In non-past, in the 1st/2nd person, null subjects are more favored than overt ones while a null subject is absolutely predominant in the 3rd person. The OND null subject system based on person split is a prime case that instantiates Borer's proposal of agreement as a subject (1986). As D-feature and agreement features in Tense may be checked in two ways (by either overt subjects in Spec,TP or V-to-T movement), the complementary distribution of overt subjects and AUX in 1st/2nd person l-past sentences may be interpreted as a competition between two equivalent strategies to check D-feature in Tense. In the 3rd person, the lack of overt subjects and AUX is normative and overt pronoun subjects are only pragmatically motivated. This contrast of null subject patterns between the 1st/2nd person and 3rd person can be reduced to the [+person] and [-person] opposition, which is parallel to the cross-linguistic contrast between canonical null subject languages with rich agreement and radical subject languages with no agreement. Under this analysis, pragmatic motivations traditionally assumed for the use of null/overt subjects are secondary. The complementary distribution of AUX and overt pronominal subjects is not pragmatically motivated in essence but results from the competition between two different grammars. The loss of null subjects that were licensed by person agreement in association with D-feature and the loss of V-to-T movement, which was also triggered by the D-feature in Tense, are parametric since both of them resulted from the change in how the D-feature in Tense is checked in Russian. This is a consequence of the tense system change in Russian, by which Old Russian lost inflected aspectual past tenses and came to denote past tense by means of participial forms in -l.

Abstract

This paper investigates the null subject system of Old Novgorodian dialects (OND), as reflected in Novgorod birch bark letters. The data shows that l-past AUX and overt subjects are complementarily distributed in the 1st/2nd person, while the use of null subjects is prevalent in the 3rd person. In non-past, in the 1st/2nd person, null subjects are more favored than overt ones while a null subject is absolutely predominant in the 3rd person. The OND null subject system based on person split is a prime case that instantiates Borer's proposal of agreement as a subject (1986). As D-feature and agreement features in Tense may be checked in two ways (by either overt subjects in Spec,TP or V-to-T movement), the complementary distribution of overt subjects and AUX in 1st/2nd person l-past sentences may be interpreted as a competition between two equivalent strategies to check D-feature in Tense. In the 3rd person, the lack of overt subjects and AUX is normative and overt pronoun subjects are only pragmatically motivated. This contrast of null subject patterns between the 1st/2nd person and 3rd person can be reduced to the [+person] and [-person] opposition, which is parallel to the cross-linguistic contrast between canonical null subject languages with rich agreement and radical subject languages with no agreement. Under this analysis, pragmatic motivations traditionally assumed for the use of null/overt subjects are secondary. The complementary distribution of AUX and overt pronominal subjects is not pragmatically motivated in essence but results from the competition between two different grammars. The loss of null subjects that were licensed by person agreement in association with D-feature and the loss of V-to-T movement, which was also triggered by the D-feature in Tense, are parametric since both of them resulted from the change in how the D-feature in Tense is checked in Russian. This is a consequence of the tense system change in Russian, by which Old Russian lost inflected aspectual past tenses and came to denote past tense by means of participial forms in -l.

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