HAVE/BE 매개변수의 결과로서의 능격성: 북부 러시아어 be-완료구문을 중심으로
Ergativity in North Russian as a Consequence of the HAVE/BE parameter
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This paper argues that ergativity may appear in such a language as North Russian that has not been considered as ergative, via a be-possessive perfect structure. I set diagnostic factors of ergativity and demonstrate that the morphosyntactic and semantic features of the North Russian be-perfect construction meet these factors: The agentive external argument appears in an oblique case form in a position lower than the matrix Tense, which allows the object to potentially appear in the nominative. The oblique argument assumes subject properties, which is characteristic of morphologically-ergative constructions. Given that ergative patterns correlate with the possessive perfect formation with the be-auxiliary in many languages, I pursue a detailed underlying structure of the North Russian construction, based on the syntactic parallel between possessive and perfect constructions. The proposed underlying structure of the be-possessive and be-perfect constructions provides an adequate environment for ergative encoding by containing a prepositional complementizer that assigns an oblique case to the embedded subject. The object case-marking variation between NOM and ACC, and the agreement variation on the copula are accounted for as a consequence of nominalization of the participle. The ergative encoding in the North Russian perfect shows that the Tense/Aspect-split ergativity is a corollary of the cross-linguistic variation of the possessive be and have, a universal lexical parameter independently attested outside of studies of ergativity.
Abstract
This paper argues that ergativity may appear in such a language as North Russian that has not been considered as ergative, via a be-possessive perfect structure. I set diagnostic factors of ergativity and demonstrate that the morphosyntactic and semantic features of the North Russian be-perfect construction meet these factors: The agentive external argument appears in an oblique case form in a position lower than the matrix Tense, which allows the object to potentially appear in the nominative. The oblique argument assumes subject properties, which is characteristic of morphologically-ergative constructions. Given that ergative patterns correlate with the possessive perfect formation with the be-auxiliary in many languages, I pursue a detailed underlying structure of the North Russian construction, based on the syntactic parallel between possessive and perfect constructions. The proposed underlying structure of the be-possessive and be-perfect constructions provides an adequate environment for ergative encoding by containing a prepositional complementizer that assigns an oblique case to the embedded subject. The object case-marking variation between NOM and ACC, and the agreement variation on the copula are accounted for as a consequence of nominalization of the participle. The ergative encoding in the North Russian perfect shows that the Tense/Aspect-split ergativity is a corollary of the cross-linguistic variation of the possessive be and have, a universal lexical parameter independently attested outside of studies of ergativity.
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