러시아어의 주어성 연구: 주어-동사 일치의 문제
A Study on Subjecthood in Russian: Subject-Predicate Agreement
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The main goal of this paper is to investigate subjecthood in Russian, focusing on NOM-case marked subject of a finite clause, DAT-case marked subject of impersonal constructions and infinitival sentences, Numeral Phrases, which exhibit a variety of morphosyntactic idiosyncrasies by adopting the concept of DP or QP where D or Q is the head of the functional projection, which serves as a head of a phrase. The approach of DP/QP to Russian Numeral phrases benefits better accounts for Subject-Predicate Agreement. The definiteness marked by DP is realized by word order in Russian. Theme-Rheme structure represents definitenss in article-less Russian. Agreement trigger/controller is directly related to agreement target, which matches [case; number; gender] features by syntactic mechanism AGREE. Subject in the nominative brings about subject-predicate agreement, while subject in the dative causes default agreement. From a syntactic perspective, subjects both in the nominative and in the dative represent the same syntactic properties regardless of case: i) use of reflexive pronouns and reflexive adjectives, ii) PRO transformational feature, iii) чтобы+infinitive PRO control, iv) impossibility of чтобы pro (v) Control, v) PRO control of gerund, etc. these syntactic properties apprear in both structures of personal and impersonal sentences. With regard to Subject-Predicate Agreement, Russian is one of natural languages where subject-predicate agreement occurs when there is a subject in the nominative. As for impersonal sentences or infinitival sentences, there should be a default agreement, which occurs due to defective T or incomplete set of nominal features to be matched between agreement trigger and agreement target under AGREE. Subject-Predicate Agreement consists of two kinds: Formal agreement vs. Semantic Agreement. Formal agreement can be divided into grammatical ageement and default agreement, which is used in the form of 3rd person singular. To summarize the core of the paper, subjects in NOM or DAT behave in the same. The case of subject is very sensitive to Russian, one of NOM-ACC languages, but NOM case is not necessary requirement to Ergative-Absolutive language. For this reason, NOM case is an essential requirement to the subjecthood in Russian.
Abstract
The main goal of this paper is to investigate subjecthood in Russian, focusing on NOM-case marked subject of a finite clause, DAT-case marked subject of impersonal constructions and infinitival sentences, Numeral Phrases, which exhibit a variety of morphosyntactic idiosyncrasies by adopting the concept of DP or QP where D or Q is the head of the functional projection, which serves as a head of a phrase. The approach of DP/QP to Russian Numeral phrases benefits better accounts for Subject-Predicate Agreement. The definiteness marked by DP is realized by word order in Russian. Theme-Rheme structure represents definitenss in article-less Russian. Agreement trigger/controller is directly related to agreement target, which matches [case; number; gender] features by syntactic mechanism AGREE. Subject in the nominative brings about subject-predicate agreement, while subject in the dative causes default agreement. From a syntactic perspective, subjects both in the nominative and in the dative represent the same syntactic properties regardless of case: i) use of reflexive pronouns and reflexive adjectives, ii) PRO transformational feature, iii) чтобы+infinitive PRO control, iv) impossibility of чтобы pro (v) Control, v) PRO control of gerund, etc. these syntactic properties apprear in both structures of personal and impersonal sentences. With regard to Subject-Predicate Agreement, Russian is one of natural languages where subject-predicate agreement occurs when there is a subject in the nominative. As for impersonal sentences or infinitival sentences, there should be a default agreement, which occurs due to defective T or incomplete set of nominal features to be matched between agreement trigger and agreement target under AGREE. Subject-Predicate Agreement consists of two kinds: Formal agreement vs. Semantic Agreement. Formal agreement can be divided into grammatical ageement and default agreement, which is used in the form of 3rd person singular. To summarize the core of the paper, subjects in NOM or DAT behave in the same. The case of subject is very sensitive to Russian, one of NOM-ACC languages, but NOM case is not necessary requirement to Ergative-Absolutive language. For this reason, NOM case is an essential requirement to the subjecthood in Russian.
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