본문 바로가기
KERD
논문KCI 등재

晉代 郭璞의 音注와 압운에 나타난 개음 체계

Phonological System of Medials as reflected in the Guo Pu’s Sound Glosses and Rimes

권혁준
중국어문연구회 (Chinese Literary Society)|2018.10|중국어문논총 (Journal of Chinese Language and Literature)|제89호|pp. 91-133|DOI 10.26586/chls.2018..89.005

0

조회

0

다운로드

6

인용

0

참고문헌

키워드

phonological system3rd grade2nd gradeGuo Pu (郭璞)Sound GlossesPhonetic Notaion [直音]fanqie spelling [反切]rime [押韻]medial [介音]closed mouth [合口]vowel breaking
주제분류중국어와문학

초록

There are only a few studies conducted on the phonological systems of transitional periods between Old Chinese [OC] and Middle Chinese [MC]. We mostly ascribe this to the fact that the materials which tell much about these periods are only sparsely found. Therefore, they provide us with only a handful of suggestions about the phonology of the periods. But we have some materials which guarantee us to establish a single phonological system of any specific stage standing between OC and MC. These help us, for sure, to find some phonological phenomena or changes we could not find but for them. One sort of them can be Guo Pu’s (郭璞) sound glosses revealed in his annotations on the works such as Fangyan, Shanghaijing, Mutianzizhuan and Erya, along with the rimes in his poems, many of which unfortunately are extinct and consequently only a few of which survive into the present. His materials are espected to tell us much about what the aspects of sound changes were like or how the sound changes took place before his time. This study highlights a phonological system of medials as reflected in his sound glosses and in some extant rimes. The followings are the major findings of our study: The *-r-, the 2nd grade medial marker, which is known to have affected vocalism of the following vowels as developing into MC, originates from OC and survives in the Guo Pu’s system. This is shown by a number of vowels unaffected by the retroflex medial -r- as yet. We expect that the -r- will affect the following 2nd grade vowels eventually in some of the post-Guo Pu stages. Thus we postulate that the -r- as a 2nd grade medial should be reconstructed as a substantial being in his system. As for the origin of the 3rd grade medials, OC has only *-j- which will later palatalise the preceding consonants such as zhang series [章組], xie initial [邪母] and ri initial [日母], surviving into MC. The Guo Pu’s glosses reveal that some of the 3rd grade vowels are fronted, which implies that the 3rd grade medials other than -j- must have already occurred before his time. Phonetically speaking, each type of the 3rd grade medials is combined with each type of initials as follows: Chongniu 4th grade, jing series [精組], yi initial [以母]: -ĭ- ( ＞ -j- MC) Chongniu 3rd grade, : -rɨ̆- ( ＞ -ĭ- MC) zhang series [章組], xie initial [邪母], ri initial [日母]: -j- ( ＞ -j- MC) Velars, laryngeals, labials, zhuang series [莊組), yun initial [云母], zhi series [知組], lai initials [來母]: -ɨ- ( ＞ -ĭ- MC) But from a phonemic point of view, 3rd grade medials occurring later than OC are integrated into a single phoneme as either /ĭ/ or /ɨ/ as we define. Finally, we discuss -w-, the closed mouth medial [合口呼介音]. It is known to have been formed by the two different routes by MC. First, -w- has been formed out of some of back vowels by vowel breaking, i.e., diphthongisation, which caused the occurrence of the closed mouth medial -w-. The second route is involved with medialisation of the post-initial -ʷ- attached to the labio-initials such as *Kʷ- and *Qʷ-. They finally changed into a regular medial -w-. According to the Guo Pu’s glosses, both vowel breaking and medialisation of -ʷ- must have already taken place as of his time.

Abstract

There are only a few studies conducted on the phonological systems of transitional periods between Old Chinese [OC] and Middle Chinese [MC]. We mostly ascribe this to the fact that the materials which tell much about these periods are only sparsely found. Therefore, they provide us with only a handful of suggestions about the phonology of the periods. But we have some materials which guarantee us to establish a single phonological system of any specific stage standing between OC and MC. These help us, for sure, to find some phonological phenomena or changes we could not find but for them. One sort of them can be Guo Pu’s (郭璞) sound glosses revealed in his annotations on the works such as Fangyan, Shanghaijing, Mutianzizhuan and Erya, along with the rimes in his poems, many of which unfortunately are extinct and consequently only a few of which survive into the present. His materials are espected to tell us much about what the aspects of sound changes were like or how the sound changes took place before his time. This study highlights a phonological system of medials as reflected in his sound glosses and in some extant rimes. The followings are the major findings of our study: The *-r-, the 2nd grade medial marker, which is known to have affected vocalism of the following vowels as developing into MC, originates from OC and survives in the Guo Pu’s system. This is shown by a number of vowels unaffected by the retroflex medial -r- as yet. We expect that the -r- will affect the following 2nd grade vowels eventually in some of the post-Guo Pu stages. Thus we postulate that the -r- as a 2nd grade medial should be reconstructed as a substantial being in his system. As for the origin of the 3rd grade medials, OC has only *-j- which will later palatalise the preceding consonants such as zhang series [章組], xie initial [邪母] and ri initial [日母], surviving into MC. The Guo Pu’s glosses reveal that some of the 3rd grade vowels are fronted, which implies that the 3rd grade medials other than -j- must have already occurred before his time. Phonetically speaking, each type of the 3rd grade medials is combined with each type of initials as follows: Chongniu 4th grade, jing series [精組], yi initial [以母]: -ĭ- ( ＞ -j- MC) Chongniu 3rd grade, : -rɨ̆- ( ＞ -ĭ- MC) zhang series [章組], xie initial [邪母], ri initial [日母]: -j- ( ＞ -j- MC) Velars, laryngeals, labials, zhuang series [莊組), yun initial [云母], zhi series [知組], lai initials [來母]: -ɨ- ( ＞ -ĭ- MC) But from a phonemic point of view, 3rd grade medials occurring later than OC are integrated into a single phoneme as either /ĭ/ or /ɨ/ as we define. Finally, we discuss -w-, the closed mouth medial [合口呼介音]. It is known to have been formed by the two different routes by MC. First, -w- has been formed out of some of back vowels by vowel breaking, i.e., diphthongisation, which caused the occurrence of the closed mouth medial -w-. The second route is involved with medialisation of the post-initial -ʷ- attached to the labio-initials such as *Kʷ- and *Qʷ-. They finally changed into a regular medial -w-. According to the Guo Pu’s glosses, both vowel breaking and medialisation of -ʷ- must have already taken place as of his time.

참고문헌 (84)

  1. 權赫埈, "古今韻會擧要에 반영된 重紐 현상 및 그 상관 문제", 中國語文論叢, 19, pp.154~190 (2000), 중국어문연구회
  2. 權赫埈, "後期中古漢語의 음운체계", 중국어문논총, 22, pp.1~28 (2002), 중국어문연구회
  3. 권혁준, "東漢 ≪釋名≫의 聲母에 관한 몇 가지 문제", 중국학논총, (31), pp.1~42 (2011), 중국학연구소[DOI]
  4. 권혁준, "東漢 鄭玄의 注釋에 반영된 章組ㆍ以母ㆍ邪母의 구개음화 여부", 중국어문논총, (56), pp.1~44 (2013), 중국어문연구회[DOI]
  5. 권혁준, "≪白虎通義≫와 ≪風俗通義≫에 반영된 舌音類의 구개음화 여부", 중국어문논총, (64), pp.1~28 (2014), 중국어문연구회[DOI]
  6. 권혁준, "≪說文解字≫ 讀若에 반영된 복자음 聲母", 중국어문논총, (70), pp.1~36 (2015), 중국어문연구회[DOI]
  7. 권혁준, "郭璞의 晉代 漢語 陰聲韻 음운체계", 중국어문논총, (84), pp.1~74 (2017), 중국어문연구회[DOI]
  8. 이다솜, "韻文의 押韻에 나타난 漢語 魚ㆍ鐸ㆍ陽部의 운모 변화 분석-兩漢에서 隋까지-", 석사, pp.2018
  9. 丁 一, "郭璞音 語音系統의 연구", 박사, pp.1993
  10. 周祖謨, "爾雅校箋" (2004), 雲南人民出版社
  11. 揚雄, "方言", 國際文化出版公司影印
  12. 許愼, "說文解字" (1994), 中華書局影印
  13. "山海經", 四部叢刊子部, ~
  14. 郭璞, "穆天子傳" (1967), 中華書局
  15. 蕭統, "文選" (1984), 華正書局
  16. 陸德明, "經典釋文" (1991), 山東友誼出版社
  17. 歐陽詢, "藝文類聚" (1985), 上海古籍出版社
  18. 陳彭年, "宋本廣韻" (1987), 黎明文化事業公司
  19. "十三經注疏(重刻宋版注疏)", 藝文印書館印行
  20. 张溥, "汉魏六朝百三家集題辭注ㆍ郭弘农集" (1963), 人民文學出版社
  21. 張燮, "續修四庫全書集部", 北京圖書館藏明末刻本影印
  22. 戴震, "方言疏證" (1974), 臺灣中華書局印行
  23. 錢大昕, "十駕齋養新錄等六種 (上ㆍ下)" (1963), 世界書局
  24. 陳亞川, "≪方言≫郭璞注的反切上字", 中國語文, (2), pp.125~131 (1981)
  25. 陳亞川, "≪方言≫郭璞注的反切下字", 中國語文, (6), pp.451~456 (1983)
  26. 丁邦新, "重紐的介音差異", 聲韻論叢, (6), pp.37~62 (1997)
  27. 董同龢, "廣韻重紐試釋", 歷史語言硏究所集刊, 13, pp.1~20 (1948)
  28. 董同龢, "漢語音韻學" (1983), 文史哲出版社
  29. 馮蒸, "漢語音韻學論文集", pp.184~212 (1997), 首都師範大學出版社
  30. 龔煌城, "從漢藏語的比較看重紐問題", 聲韻論叢, 6, pp.195~243 (1997)
  31. 龔煌城, "從漢藏語的比較看上古漢語的詞頭問題", Language and Linguistics, 1(2), pp.39~62 (2000)
  32. 龔煌城, "漢藏語硏究論文集", pp.183~211 (2004), 北京大學出版社
  33. 歐陽國泰, "原本玉篇的重紐", 語言硏究, (2), pp.88~94 (1987)
  34. 李方桂, "上古音硏究", 淸華學報, 9(1-2), pp.1~61 (1971)
  35. 李榮, "切韻音系" (1973), 鼎文書局
  36. 劉綸鑫, "中古通江二攝字在魏晉南北朝的押韻分析", 古漢語硏究, (10), pp.30~34 (1991)
  37. 陸志韋, "三四等與所謂喩化", 燕京學報, (26), pp.143~173 (1939)
  38. 陸志韋, "古音說略" (1979), 臺灣學生書局
  39. 羅常培, "漢魏晉南北朝韻部演變硏究" (1958), 科學出版社
  40. 麥耘, "論重紐及≪切韻≫的介音系統", 語言硏究, (2), pp.119~131 (1992)
  41. 歐陽國泰, "原本≪玉篇≫的重紐", 語言硏究, (2), pp.88~94 (1987)
  42. 潘悟雲, "漢語歷史音韻學" (2000), 上海敎育出版社
  43. 施向東, "玄奘譯著中的梵漢對音和唐初中原方音", 語言硏究, (1), pp.27~48 (1983)
  44. 施向東, "上古介音r與重紐", 音韻學硏究, 3, pp.240~251 (1994)
  45. 施向東, "音史尋幽", pp.88~99 (2009), 南開大學出版社
  46. 施向東, "音史尋幽", pp.100~116 (2009), 南開大學出版社
  47. 王靜如, "論古漢語之齶介音", 燕京學報, (35), pp.51~94 (1948)
  48. 王力, "漢語史稿" (1980), 中華書局
  49. 許寶華, "釋二等", 中華書局, 3, pp.119~135 (1994)
  50. 雅洪托夫, "漢語史論集" (1986), 北京大學出版社
  51. 雅洪托夫, "漢語史論集" (1986), 北京大學出版社
  52. 雅洪托夫, "漢語史論集" (1986), 北京大學出版社
  53. 兪敏, "等韻溯源", 音韻學硏究, 1, pp.402~413 (1984)
  54. 兪敏, "兪敏語言學論文集", pp.1~62 (1999), 商務印書館
  55. 鄭張尙芳, "上古音構擬小議", 語言學論叢, 14, pp.36~49 (1984), 商務印書館
  56. 鄭張尙芳, "上古韻母系統和四等、介音、聲調的發源問題", 溫州師院學報, (4), pp.67~90 (1987)
  57. 鄭張尙芳, "重紐的來源及其反映", 聲韻學論叢, 6, pp.175~194 (1997)
  58. 鄭張尙芳, "上古音系" (2003), 上海敎育出版社
  59. 周法高, "廣韻重紐的硏究", 歷史語言硏究所集刊, 13, pp.49~117 (1941)
  60. 周祖謨, "魏晉南北朝韻部之演變" (1996), 東大圖書公司
  61. 周祖謨, "文字音韻訓詁論集" (2000), 北京大學出版社
  62. 河野六郞, "朝鮮漢字音の硏究" (1968), 天理時報社
  63. 坂井健一, "魏晉南北朝字音硏究" (1975), 汲古書院
  64. Baxter, William, "A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology" (1992), Mouton de Gruyter
  65. Baxter, W. H., "Old Chinese: A new reconstruction" (2014), Oxford University Press
  66. Benedict, Paul K., "Sino-Tibetan : A Conspectus" (1972), Cambridge University Press
  67. Proto-Chinese and Sino-Tibetan: Data Towards Establishing the Nature of the Relationship, Contributions to Historical Linguistics, "Bodman, Nicholas", ~ (1980)
  68. The Initials of the Wei-Chin Period as revealed in the phonological glosses of Kuo P’u and others, "Coblin, South", 288~318, pp.Monumenta Serica 31 (1974)
  69. Coblin, South, "A Handbook of Eastern Han Sound Glosses" (1983), The Chinese University Press
  70. William S.-Y. Wang, "漢藏語硏究論文集", pp.67~77 (2004), 北京大學出版社
  71. Gong, Hwang-cherng, "The System of Finals in Proto-Sino-Tibetan, The Ancestry of the Chinese Language", Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series, (8), pp.41~92 (1995)
  72. Handel, Zev, "Rethinking the medials of Old Chinese: Where are the r’s?", Cahiers de Linguistique-Asie Orientale, 31(1), pp.3~32 (2002)
  73. Old Chinese Medials and Their Sino-Tibetan Origins: A Comparative Study, "Handel, Zev", Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica, ~ (2009)
  74. Juhl, Robert A., "Phonological Evolution of the Chinese Rhymes : Wei to Liang", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 94, pp.408~430 (1974)
  75. Karlgren, Bernhard, "中國音韻學硏究" (1948), 商務印書館
  76. Karlgren, Bernhard, "Compendium of Phonetics in Ancient and Archaic Chinese", Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (1954)
  77. Karlgren, Bernhard, "Grammata Serica Recensa", Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 29 (1957)
  78. Matisoff, James A., "Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman" (2003), University of California Press
  79. Nagel, Paul, "Beiträge zur Rekonstruktion der Ts‘ieh-yün-Sprache auf Grund von Ch‘en Li‘s Ts‘ieh-yün-k‘au", T‘oung Pao, 36, pp.95~158 (1942)
  80. Norman, Jerry, "Pharyngealization in Early Chinese", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 114(3), pp.397~408 (1994)
  81. Pulleyblank, Edwin. G., "The Consonantal System of Old Chinese", Asia Major, 9, pp.58~ (1962)
  82. Pulleyblank, Edwin. G., "Some New Hypotheses Concerning Word Families in Chinese", Journal of Chinese Linguistics, 1(1), pp.111~125 (1973)
  83. Schaank, S.H., "Ancient Chinese Phonetics", T‘oung Pao, 8(9), pp.361~ (1897)
  84. Ting, Pang-hsin, "Chinese Phonology of the Wei-Chin Period: Reconstruction of the Finals as reflected in Poetry" (1975), Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica

관련 논문AI추천

晉代 郭璞의 音注에 나타난 성모 체계권혁준중국어문연구회 · 중국어문논총2019 · 제95호郭璞의 晉代 漢語 入聲韻 음운체계권혁준중국어문연구회 · 중국어문논총2021 · 제107호郭璞의 晉代 漢語 陰聲韻 음운체계권혁준중국어문연구회 · 중국어문논총2017 · 제84호郭璞의 晉代 漢語 陽聲韻 음운체계권혁준중국어문연구회 · 중국어문논총2020 · 제101호≪經典釋文≫의 徐邈 音注에 반영된 陽聲韻 음운체계권혁준중국어문연구회 · 중국어문논총2023 · 제115호徐邈의 陰聲韻 음운체계권혁준중국어문연구회 · 중국어문논총2023 · 제112호

이 간행물의 다른 논문 (17건)

古漢語 硏究의 최근 동향과 과제 — 2013년~2017년 ≪中國語文論叢≫ 논문을 중심으로윤순일pp. 1-20현대중국어학 및 중국어교육 연구 동향 분석 — 2013년~2017년 ≪中國語文論叢≫ 게재 논문을 중심으로오유정pp. 21-41새로운 중국고전문학 연구 방법론 모색과 융복합 연구 — 2013년~2017년 ≪中國語文論叢≫의 중국고전문학 연구 논문을 중심으로권운영pp. 43-66최근 중국현대문학 연구와 융복합 연구 방법론 모색강에스더pp. 67-90상고 한어 접속사 與와 及의 차이 재고찰(上)장정임pp. 135-161
원문 보기