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근대적 절대군주제와 국왕모독죄: 타이 정치체제 재검토

Modern Form of Absolute Monarchy and Lèse-Majesté Law: Thai Political Regime Reconsidered

박은홍
한국동남아학회|2017.02|동남아시아연구 (The Southeast Asian Review)|제27권 제1호|pp. 53-94|DOI 10.21652/kaseas.27.1.201702.53

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참고문헌

키워드

Semi-Democracy타이식 민주주의Thai-Style Democracy국왕모독죄근대적 절대군주제타이식 입헌군주제관료적 정체부르주아 정체반(半)민주주의군주 네크워크Modern Form of Absolute MonarchyThai Way of Constitutional MonarchyLèse-Majesté LawBureaucratic PolityBourgeois PolityNetwork Monarchy
주제분류지역학

초록

타이 정치체제가 관료적 정체(bureaucratic polity) 혹은 반민주주의(semi-democracy)로 회귀하였다고 얘기된다. 그러나 이와 같은 시각은 국왕의 자문기구인 추밀원(Privy Council)의 정치적 개입을 제대로 드러내지 못한다. 이러한 맥락에서 이 논문은 근대적 절대군주제라는 분석적 개념을 통해 타이식 입헌군주제의 독특한 특징을 밝히고 있다. 요컨대 ‘네트워크 정치’(network politics)에 기반하는 타이식 입헌군주제(Thai way of constitutional monarchy)는 “국왕은 군림하되 통치하지 않는다”라는 규범에 토대한 전형적인 입헌군주제와 배치된다. 이는 타이 국왕이 실제로는 정치 위에 있는 것이 아니라 정치 안에 있음을, 또 정치적 갈등을 해결하고 군주제를 보위하기 위해 다양한 방식으로 정치에 개입하였음을 의미한다. 이 과정에서 국왕은 불교의 교리를 실천하는 반인반신이자 국가통합의 중심으로 추앙되었다. 심지어 왕실이 관여된 1976년 10월 6일 유혈참사 이후에도 국왕의 신성한 지위는 도전을 받지 않았고 국왕모독죄는 더욱 가혹한 처벌을 받게 되었다. 그 이후 국왕모독죄는 군부 쿠태타의 주된 명분이 되었다. 특히 군주 네트워크와 근대화 과정에서 성장한 탁신 네트워크에 기반한 부르주아 정체 간의 대격돌로부터 야기된 2006년 쿠테타와 이후 친탁신계 정부를 전복한 2014년 쿠테타를 계기로 국왕모독죄 사례가 급증하였다. 관료적 정체, 반민주주의, 민주주의를 포괄하는 타이에서의 근대적 절대군주제는 군부, 지식인, 민주당, 심지어 일부 시민사회조직들로부터 지지를 받는 국왕모독죄에 의해 지지되고 있다.

Abstract

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is “the king reigns, but does not rule.” This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s sacred position was not challenged. Rather lèse-majesté law became more draconian for status quo. Since then lèse-majesté was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the lèse-majesté cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of lèse-majesté prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by lèse-majesté law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

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