본문 바로가기
KERD
논문KCI 등재후보

Afghanistan's Tribe Mosaic, Weak State, and Taliban Rule

조성택
동북아학술저널연합 (Northeast Asian Studies Journal Institute (J-INSTITUTE))|2022.03|International Journal of Terrorism & National Security|제7권 제1호|pp. 31-41

0

조회

0

다운로드

0

인용

0

참고문헌

키워드

TalibanPashtunMujahideenJirgahDeobandi

초록

Purpose: 18-year occupation of the United States and NATO in Afghanistan has ended. The ideal goal of removing terrorism desired by the international community and forming a democratic and liberal state through the formation of a government has been broken by the Taliban's ruling. There are several factors that do not form a state in Afghanistan. The purpose of this paper is to consider these factors. Method: For the purpose of research, it is important to look at the historical context and social structure of Afghanistan and to look at the results of the Western 'anti-terrorism war'. First, we examine the tribe-centered decision-making system(Jirgah) and the ideological role of Islam. And we examine whether the formation of a na-tional state has been stagnant through wars since the late 19th century and the civil war in Afghanistan. Results: The role of the extreme Sunni Islamic group played a role in the rapid growth of the Taliban. Mujahi-deen was formed during the war against Britain and the Soviet Union, of which the Taliban of the Pashtun people living in southeastern Afghanistan and northern Pakistan grew their power during the civil war in Afghanistan, and the Taliban was given a representative position in the war against the United States. In addition, the Taliban succeeded to some extent in integrating a divided ethnic society by force. Conclusion: After the United States-Taliban ‘Doha Agreement’ (Peace Agreement), where the Afghanistan government was excluded, the Taliban occupied most of Afghanistan in a short period of one month. Although the Taliban group does not have a unified leadership system, it will become the ruling power of Afghanistan in the future. The Taliban's Wahhabism or Salafism will serve as the norm of social integration in Afghanistan.

Abstract

Purpose: 18-year occupation of the United States and NATO in Afghanistan has ended. The ideal goal of removing terrorism desired by the international community and forming a democratic and liberal state through the formation of a government has been broken by the Taliban's ruling. There are several factors that do not form a state in Afghanistan. The purpose of this paper is to consider these factors. Method: For the purpose of research, it is important to look at the historical context and social structure of Afghanistan and to look at the results of the Western 'anti-terrorism war'. First, we examine the tribe-centered decision-making system(Jirgah) and the ideological role of Islam. And we examine whether the formation of a na-tional state has been stagnant through wars since the late 19th century and the civil war in Afghanistan. Results: The role of the extreme Sunni Islamic group played a role in the rapid growth of the Taliban. Mujahi-deen was formed during the war against Britain and the Soviet Union, of which the Taliban of the Pashtun people living in southeastern Afghanistan and northern Pakistan grew their power during the civil war in Afghanistan, and the Taliban was given a representative position in the war against the United States. In addition, the Taliban succeeded to some extent in integrating a divided ethnic society by force. Conclusion: After the United States-Taliban ‘Doha Agreement’ (Peace Agreement), where the Afghanistan government was excluded, the Taliban occupied most of Afghanistan in a short period of one month. Although the Taliban group does not have a unified leadership system, it will become the ruling power of Afghanistan in the future. The Taliban's Wahhabism or Salafism will serve as the norm of social integration in Afghanistan.

참고문헌 (31)

  1. 오한길, "탈레반의 아프가니스탄 장악에 따른 국내 테러 발생 가능성 분석", 한국재난정보학회 논문집, 17(4), pp.848~863 (2021), 한국재난정보학회
  2. Rhew DS, "Afghanistan Tribal Conflict in the Southwest Asia", The Journal of The Institute of the Middle East Studies, 18(2), pp.133~151 (1999)
  3. 윤민우, "이슬람 극단주의와 강한 부족 전통의 통합작용이 아프가니스탄의 민족국가 건설의 혼란과 안보의 위기로서의 테러리즘과 마약 거래에 미친 영향", Crisisonomy, 8(1), pp.155~176 (2012), (사)위기관리이론과실천
  4. 윤민우, "아프가니스탄 지역 파슈툰 부족의 안보", 치안시스템: 국가권력과 탈레반 테러세력 사이의 안보, 한국경찰연구, pp.2011, 10(3)[DOI]
  5. Rashid A, "Central Asia and the Taliban", Minjok Yeonku, 8, pp.23~33 (2002)
  6. 성동기, "대탈레반 전쟁이후 중앙아시아의 정세변화와 연구과제", 중앙아시아연구, 8, pp.5~118 (2003), 중앙아시아학회
  7. 서정민, "탈레반, 미진한 국민국가 형성, 그리고 아프가니스탄 정치 불안정", 한국이슬람학회논총, 31(3), pp.83~110 (2021), 한국이슬람학회
  8. Wani ZA, "Afghanistan’s Neo-taliban Puzzle", South Asia Research, 41(2), pp.220~237 (2021)
  9. 최기남, "탈레반의 실체와 한국에 대한 테러위협 분석", 융합보안 논문지, 12(1), pp.97~107 (2012), 한국융합보안학회
  10. Rubin BR, "The Political Economy of War and Peace in Afghanistan", World Development, 28(1), pp.1789~1803 (2000)
  11. Hernández J, "Terrorism, Drug Trafficking, and the Globalization of Supply", Perspectives on Terrorism, 7(4), pp.41~61 (2013)
  12. 조성택, "Debate on the Correlation Between TERRORISM and Religion: Focusing on Salafi Jihadist", International Journal of Military Affairs, 6(4), pp.44~52 (2021), J-INSTITUTE
  13. 정태식, "탈레반을 통해 본 예언자적 이슬람개혁운동에 대한 일고찰", 담론201, 11(1), pp.69~97 (2008), 한국사회역사학회[DOI]
  14. Kim HB, "History and Lessons of the Soviet-afghanistan War", Military History, 44, pp.211~245 (2001)
  15. Bradsher HS, "Afghanistan and the Soviet Union" (1985), Durham
  16. Hammont TT, "Red Flag Over Afghanistan: The Communist Coup, the Soviet Invasion, and the Consequences" (1984), Westview
  17. Kim Kyung-soon, "RUSSIAN MILITARY Transformation: Trends and Implications for EAST ASIA", International Journal of Military Affairs, 1(1), pp.33~38 (2016), J-INSTITUTE
  18. 이웅현, "아프가니스탄, 철군의 정치학", 인문사회 21, 7(1), pp.551~570 (2016), 인문사회 21[DOI]
  19. 이웅현, "아프가니스탄 반군(叛軍)의 계보", 평화학연구, 14(1), pp.171~194 (2013), 사단법인 한국평화연구학회
  20. 이광수, "탈리반 정부 치하 아프가니스탄의 국가 성격", 한국이슬람학회논총, 16(1), pp.149~166 (2006), 한국이슬람학회
  21. 전수일, "이슬람 테러조직의 성향분석에 관한 연구", 한국국가안보·국민안전학회지, (5), pp.7~32 (2017), 한국국가안보·국민안전학회
  22. 이재형, "미국과 중국의 대파키스탄 접근전략 조망: 아프가니스탄의 지정학적 환경과 관련하여", 한국정치학회보, 38(5), pp.217~237 (2004), 한국정치학회
  23. 윤태영, "미국의 아프가니스탄 전쟁 목표와 전략의 변화양상 : 대테러전과 대반란전 논쟁을 중심으로", 국가안보와 전략, 17(1), pp.203~234 (2017), 국가안보전략연구원[DOI]
  24. 이종철, "전후재건의 내생적(內生的) 영향 요인 고찰 - 아프가니스탄 사례를 중심으로", 전략연구, 17(50), pp.123~160 (2010), (사) 한국전략문제연구소
  25. 최호재, "새로운 전쟁의 “전쟁경제”: 세 차례의 아프가니스탄 전쟁", 군사연구, (150), pp.201~238 (2020), 육군군사연구소[DOI]
  26. 이동선, "이라크 및 아프가니스탄 전쟁의 장기화 - 이론적 원인 분석 -", 국가안보와 전략, 11(4), pp.91~124 (2011), 국가안보전략연구원[DOI]
  27. 최윤철, "아프가니스탄전쟁의 장기화 원인에 대한 연구 - 통일과정에 주는 함의를 바탕으로 -", 통일인문학, 77, pp.325~361 (2019), 인문학연구원[DOI]
  28. 이근욱, "아프가니스탄 전쟁과 미국의 딜레마: 전략과 국내정치, 그리고 마약을 둘러싼 미국의 선택", 신아세아, 22(1), pp.45~67 (2015), 신아시아연구소
  29. Guerrero Gonzalo, "Prospects for NEW WARS in the 21st Century", International Journal of Military Affairs, 6(3), pp.43~53 (2021), J-INSTITUTE
  30. 이종철, "전후재건 9년, 아프가니스탄의 현황⋅쟁점⋅전망 고찰", 대한정치학회보, 18(1), pp.199~225 (2010), 대한정치학회
  31. Stepanova E, "Illicit Drugs and Insurgency in Afghanistan", Perspectives on Terrorism, 6(2), pp.4~18 (2012)

관련 논문AI추천

탈레반 재집권과 아프가니스탄 체제 변혁에 관한 소고백승훈한국이슬람학회 · 한국이슬람학회논총2023 · 제33권 제2호탈레반, 미진한 국민국가 형성, 그리고 아프가니스탄 정치 불안정서정민한국이슬람학회 · 한국이슬람학회논총2021 · 제31권 제3호아프가니스탄 지역 파슈툰 부족의 안보/치안시스템: 국가권력과 탈레반 테러세력 사이의 안보/치안서비스 경쟁김은영, 윤민우한국경찰연구학회 · 한국경찰연구2011 · 제10권 제3호탈레반의 아프가니스탄 국가건설과 DDR김은비지중해지역원 · 지중해지역연구2022 · 제24권 제4호아프가니스탄의 불안정성과 난민 문제: 파키스탄, 이란을 중심으로김은비, 박승규한국중동학회 · 한국중동학회논총2022 · 제42권 제3호Debate on the Correlation Between TERRORISM and Religion: Focusing on Salafi Jihadist조성택동북아학술저널연합 · International Journal of Military Affairs2021 · 제6권 제4호

이 간행물의 다른 논문 (7건)

Recognition of the Strategic Situation of US-China Relations after the U.S. Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Focusing on Policy Implications for Northeast Asia and the Korean Peninsula이상수pp. 1-9A Study on Response to Cyber Threats using Artificial IntelligenceJiwon Yun, Sejin Seol, 배일수pp. 10-21Causes and Case Analyses of the Homegrown Terrorism in KoreaNamseol Baekpp. 22-30Perspective towards North Korean Defectors according to the Educational Background, Rank, and Job Acquisition Path of South Korean Security Police Protecting North Korean DefectorsHoyeun Youn, 최봉준, 조성구pp. 42-60U.S. National Strategy and Implications for Domestic Terrorism -Focus on Violent Extremism-이영석, Whanbog Bang, Chiyoung Leepp. 61-71
원문 보기