Syntactic Patterns of Dative or Locative Experiencers and Goals
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The experiencers in the psych-verb constructions must be an animate entity. The dative goal or the dative experiencer is semantically locative since dative case can undergo case alternation to the locative case or vice versa. However, unlike the experiencer, the dative case on the goal can undergo case alternation to the locative case or vice versa. The group-denoting goals consisting of animate members can be marked with ey or eykey. The scope-freezing effect in the IO-DO order holds also when the locative argument is used instead of the IO in the VP-adjoined position. With respect to anaphor binding and scope interpretation, the dative goal and the dative experiencer trigger freezing-effect and thawing effect, respectively, which is what the locative goal and the locative subject show. The case-stacked form where the nominative marker is attached to the kkey-marked experiencer shows that the latter occupies the syntactic subject position (i.e., Spec-IP). The reflexive anaphor in the DO position is construed to be bound not by the dative or locative goal in the VP-adjoined position, but by the dative experiencer or the locative subject. Si-honorification also shows that the dative experiencer or the locative subject exhausts the syntactic subject position.
Abstract
The experiencers in the psych-verb constructions must be an animate entity. The dative goal or the dative experiencer is semantically locative since dative case can undergo case alternation to the locative case or vice versa. However, unlike the experiencer, the dative case on the goal can undergo case alternation to the locative case or vice versa. The group-denoting goals consisting of animate members can be marked with ey or eykey. The scope-freezing effect in the IO-DO order holds also when the locative argument is used instead of the IO in the VP-adjoined position. With respect to anaphor binding and scope interpretation, the dative goal and the dative experiencer trigger freezing-effect and thawing effect, respectively, which is what the locative goal and the locative subject show. The case-stacked form where the nominative marker is attached to the kkey-marked experiencer shows that the latter occupies the syntactic subject position (i.e., Spec-IP). The reflexive anaphor in the DO position is construed to be bound not by the dative or locative goal in the VP-adjoined position, but by the dative experiencer or the locative subject. Si-honorification also shows that the dative experiencer or the locative subject exhausts the syntactic subject position.
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