Psych Verb Constructions and Case Alternation in Korean (/Japanese)
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An experiencer in psych verb constructions in Korean and Japanese is realized either as having dative case or as having nominative case. The case alternation has been regarded as a real alternation, without considering the possibility that the alternation affects syntactic computation. In the paper, on the contrary, I argue that the alternation reflects structural differences. According to Nichols' typology, Korean and Japanese are representative dependent marking languages where dependent markers are abundantly used. What I claim in the paper is that due to the prevalence of the markers, the mode of syntactic combination is different in K/J. Based on the information of the dependent markers, nominals combine, looking for their appropriate predicate (Y. Choi 2007, 2008a, b, 2009). Case markers are the major dependent markers which direct the way for nominals to combine. Thus, the case alternation is predicted to reflect alternation in structural combination. A dative experiencer is predicted to combine with a theme just like a subject in regular transitive constructions. A nominative experiencer is predicted to combine with the theme just like a subject in double subject constructions. The predictions are proved by the parallel behaviors between dative subject psych verb constructions and transitive constructions and between nominative subject psych verb constructions and double subject constructions.
Abstract
An experiencer in psych verb constructions in Korean and Japanese is realized either as having dative case or as having nominative case. The case alternation has been regarded as a real alternation, without considering the possibility that the alternation affects syntactic computation. In the paper, on the contrary, I argue that the alternation reflects structural differences. According to Nichols' typology, Korean and Japanese are representative dependent marking languages where dependent markers are abundantly used. What I claim in the paper is that due to the prevalence of the markers, the mode of syntactic combination is different in K/J. Based on the information of the dependent markers, nominals combine, looking for their appropriate predicate (Y. Choi 2007, 2008a, b, 2009). Case markers are the major dependent markers which direct the way for nominals to combine. Thus, the case alternation is predicted to reflect alternation in structural combination. A dative experiencer is predicted to combine with a theme just like a subject in regular transitive constructions. A nominative experiencer is predicted to combine with the theme just like a subject in double subject constructions. The predictions are proved by the parallel behaviors between dative subject psych verb constructions and transitive constructions and between nominative subject psych verb constructions and double subject constructions.
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