In Support of the Non-Derivational Analysis of Korean Ditransitive Constructions
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This paper investigates the ditransitive construction in Korean, where both the dative-accusative and accusative-dative orders are permissible interchangeably. Two competing analyses have been proposed to account for the interchangeable orders. The first argues that the dative-accusative order is the base, from which the accusative-dative order is derived through the scrambling of the accusative (NP) over the dative (NP) (Kim, 2008, 2015). The second analysis views the accusative-dative order as the base order, with the dative-accusative order being derived by the scrambling of the dative (NP) over the accusative (NP) (Baek & Lee, 2004). However, upon closer scrutiny, we argue that the evidence provided by both analyses is inconclusive. We provide new evidence suggesting that the two orders are not derivationally related, consistent with Miyagawa’s (1997) view on Japanese ditransitive constructions.
Abstract
This paper investigates the ditransitive construction in Korean, where both the dative-accusative and accusative-dative orders are permissible interchangeably. Two competing analyses have been proposed to account for the interchangeable orders. The first argues that the dative-accusative order is the base, from which the accusative-dative order is derived through the scrambling of the accusative (NP) over the dative (NP) (Kim, 2008, 2015). The second analysis views the accusative-dative order as the base order, with the dative-accusative order being derived by the scrambling of the dative (NP) over the accusative (NP) (Baek & Lee, 2004). However, upon closer scrutiny, we argue that the evidence provided by both analyses is inconclusive. We provide new evidence suggesting that the two orders are not derivationally related, consistent with Miyagawa’s (1997) view on Japanese ditransitive constructions.
참고문헌 (25)
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