Licensing of Negative Polarity Items within an Extended Minimal Domain of the Extended Projection of [+NEG]
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This paper explores the idea that Korean Negative Polarity Items (NPIs hereafter) are licensed within an extended minimal domain of the extended projection of the head containing [+NEG], where the head with [+NEG] is part of the extended projection of verbal negation (Grimshaw 1991). This idea is expected to account for the following two properties exhibited by Korean NPI licensing, which have not been satisfactorily captured in terms of the well-known clause-boundedness: i) Korean NPIs are licensed outside the scope of negation, and ii) only direct arguments or adjuncts of a negative predicate are subject to NPI licensing.
Abstract
This paper explores the idea that Korean Negative Polarity Items (NPIs hereafter) are licensed within an extended minimal domain of the extended projection of the head containing [+NEG], where the head with [+NEG] is part of the extended projection of verbal negation (Grimshaw 1991). This idea is expected to account for the following two properties exhibited by Korean NPI licensing, which have not been satisfactorily captured in terms of the well-known clause-boundedness: i) Korean NPIs are licensed outside the scope of negation, and ii) only direct arguments or adjuncts of a negative predicate are subject to NPI licensing.
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