보어 유형과 (비-)사실성: 사실성 전제, 한정성, 섬제약을 중심으로
Complement Types and (Non-)factivity: Based on Factive presupposition, Definiteness, and Islands
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This paper analyzes the syntactic and semantic nature of the complements in (non-)factive environments. In certain embedding contexts, the presence versus absence of the factive presupposition is solely attributed to a complement choice in Korean. To explain this by exploiting clues provided by several discourse properties, it is argued that kes-ul and kes-ulo complements compete with each other in terms of Maximize Presupposition!. Several new data based on factive islands are presented to show that the definitive presupposition plays a major role in this competition. Given this, it turns out that a kes-ulo complement type amounts to a unmarked variant; thus, it should convey discourse new information. Focusing on the discourse properties of some functional categories, it is also discussed that kes-ulo complements are only compatible with a truncated structure. In contrast, as a marked variant, a kes-ul complement type is claimed to be able to have both truncated and non-truncated structures. In this way, this paper puts forth an idea to explain why a truncated form of the marked variant should be used to convey the factive presupposition. Taken together, it is also clarified why a ko complement type is free from such competition.
Abstract
This paper analyzes the syntactic and semantic nature of the complements in (non-)factive environments. In certain embedding contexts, the presence versus absence of the factive presupposition is solely attributed to a complement choice in Korean. To explain this by exploiting clues provided by several discourse properties, it is argued that kes-ul and kes-ulo complements compete with each other in terms of Maximize Presupposition!. Several new data based on factive islands are presented to show that the definitive presupposition plays a major role in this competition. Given this, it turns out that a kes-ulo complement type amounts to a unmarked variant; thus, it should convey discourse new information. Focusing on the discourse properties of some functional categories, it is also discussed that kes-ulo complements are only compatible with a truncated structure. In contrast, as a marked variant, a kes-ul complement type is claimed to be able to have both truncated and non-truncated structures. In this way, this paper puts forth an idea to explain why a truncated form of the marked variant should be used to convey the factive presupposition. Taken together, it is also clarified why a ko complement type is free from such competition.
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